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NICCOLAO MANUCCI, the hero of our narrative, ran 
away from Venice in 1653, being then fourteen. He 
hid on board a vessel bound for Smyrna, and was 
fortunate enough to find a protector in a certain 
Viscount Bellomont, an English nobleman, then on 
his way to Persia and India. He followed Bellomont 
through Asia Minor to Persia, and from Persia to 
India, meeting with many adventures by sea and 
land. The sudden death of his master near Hodal, 
in 1656, left Manucci friendless in a strange land. 

He seems to have been a youth of considerable 
resource, however, and fortune favoured him, for he 
soon found employment as an artilleryman in the 
service of Prince Dara Shukoh, eldest son of the 
Emperor Shahjahan. Till Dara's death, in 1659, 
Manucci followed his varying fortunes in peace and 
war, and, refusing to transfer his services to Aurangzeb, 
he gradually adopted the profession of medicine. 

Being offered the post of a captain of artillery by 
Rajah Jai Singh, he returned to soldiering for some 
years, till apparently he grew tired of it, and resigned 
his post. He made his way to Bassain, where he 
narrowly escaped the Inquisition, and thence to Goa, 
ultimately returning to Agrah and Dihlt. Here he 



took service with Kirat Singh, son of Jai Singh ; but 
when Kirat Singh was ordered to Kabul, Manucci 
resolved to move to Lahor (end of 1670 or early in 
1671) and start in practice as a physician. At the end 
of six or seven years, having made a little money, 
Manucci decided to remove into European territory, 
and he made his home at Bandora, on Salsette Island. 
Before long, however, he lost his money in an unlucky 
venture, and was obliged to return to the Mogul 
Court. He obtained an appointment as one of the 
^ physicians attached to Shah 'Alam, and followed him 
to the Dakhin when he went there as Governor in 
1678. Shah 'Alam was recalled in 1680 to take part 
in a campaign, and from that time they were on the 
move till early in 1681. Manucci seems to have found 
his position somewhat irksome, and determined to 
make his escape to Goa on the pretext of taking leave 
of absence. 

He reached Goa, and was employed by the Portu- 
guese in negotiations with the Mahrattah chief, Sambha 
Ji, and also with Shah 'Alam, for which services the 
Governor conferred on him a patent of knighthood 
in the Portuguese Order of Sant' lago, 1684. On a 
second embassy to Shah 'Alam, Manucci was detained 
as a deserter from his service. He attempted flight, 
but was brought back, and had to accompany Shah 
'Alam through the Ghats to A^madnagar, and thence 
on a campaign against the King of Gulkhandah. When 
at Malkher, Manucci managed to make his escape 
into Gulkhandah, and when Shah 'Alam occupied 
Gulkhandah he fled to the European settlements at 
Narsapur and Masulipatam. He was brought back 
to Gulkhandah, but evaded being given up to the 
agents of Shah 'Alam, and, with the help of an 


Augustinian friar, he managed to escape once more 
and took refuge at the English settlement of Fort 
St. George. He had thought at this time of returning 
to Europe, but was dissuaded from doing so, and 
was advised to marry. He acted on this advice, and 
married in 1686 a Catholic widow named Clarke, 
daughter of Christopher Hartley and Aguida Pereyra. 
They had one child, a son, who died in infancy. 

During his residence in Madras Manucci was em- 
ployed by Governors Gyfford and Pitt ; by Gyfford 
in the matter of transmitting letters to the " Great 
Mogull," and by Thomas Pitt in actual negotiations 
with Da,ud Khan, who invested Madras in 1702. 
From 1703 onwards for several years Manucci seems 
to have been quite absorbed in matters ecclesiastical, 
and he devoted many pages of his memoirs to the 
discussion of the disputes between the Capuchins and 
Jesuits, which reached an active stage about that time. 
In 1706 his wife died, and between 1706 and 1712 
Manucci moved his home to Pondicherry. 

In that year he was about to make a special journey 
to Shah 'Alam's court at Lahor as an intermediary on 
behalf of the Madras Council, who wished to settle 
various long-standing difficulties, and also to secure 
fresh privileges. The death of Shah 'Alam put an end 
to these plans, but as a reward for his previous 
services the Governor and Council on January 14, 
1712, conceded to him in perpetuity his leasehold 
house and garden at Madras, which he had acquired 
as being heir of Thomas Clarke, having married his 

There is no further trace of Manucci at Madras 
or Pondicherry, and the only date for his death is a 
reference in the work, " Delia Litteratura Veneziano " 


(4to, Venice, 1854), by the Doge Marco Nicol6 Foscarini, 
where on p. 441 of the 4th edition, 1854, it is said that 
Manucci died in India in 1717 as an octogenarian, as 
he (Foscarini) had heard. 


Manucci's own life is brimful of adventure, and 
not less interesting is the story of the vicissitudes 
through which his manuscript memoirs passed before 
they were finally presented to the public in 1907 in 
the masterly edition prepared by my father, the late 
William Irvine, entitled " Storia do Mogor." The 
strange story is given by him in the minutest detail 
in his Introduction to the " Storia," and I must 
content myself by giving a mere outline of the most 
essential facts. 

Manucci sent home two copies of his manuscript ; 
the first by the hands of a certain Mons. Boureau 
Deslandes in 1701. This manuscript was lent by 
Deslandes to a certain Pere Catrou, a Jesuit priest, 
who published in 1705 a book founded upon it, and 
entitled " Histoire Generate de 1'Empire du Mogol 
depuis sa fondation, sur les Memoires de M. Manouchi 

In 1705 this particular manuscript passed with others 
into the possession of Baron Gerard Meerman, of 
the Hague, was bought from his heirs in 1824 by 
Sir Thomas Philipps, of Middle Hill, Worcester, and 
was finally acquired by the KOnigliche Bibliothek at 
Berlin in 1887. 

Some time in 1704, or 1705, Manucci received from 
Catrou an advance copy of his " Histoire," or of the 
preface to it. He was intensely indignant at what 


he considered to be an attempt on the part of the 
Jesuit Fathers "to transfer to themselves the glory 
won by another's labour," and he determined to send 
to Europe the original draft of his Parts I., II., and III., 
together with Part IV., on which he had been engaged 
since 1701. He sent them to the Venetian Senate by 
the hand of Father Eusebius, of Bourges, a Capuchin, 
in 1705. We learn that the manuscript was made over 
to the then Ambassador of the Venetian Senate at 
Paris, Lorenzo Tiepolo. Tiepolo became librarian of 
the San Marco Library in 1736, and Manucci's manu- 
script is entered in the catalogue made during his tenure 
of office, although we have no record of its transmission 
to Venice. 

With the first manuscript sent to Europe, in 1701, 
Manucci also sent a volume of portraits. This seems 
to have passed out of the Jesuits' possession, for 
Zanetti catalogues it as being in the San Marco 
Library at Venice in 1741. Since then it has become 
the property of the French nation, being made over 
to them in 1797, and is now to be found in the 
Cabinet des Estampes at the Biblioth&que Nationale 
in Paris, classed as O.D. No. 45 (reserve). 

This brief sketch of the man and his work will 
serve, I hope, to awaken interest in his story, and 
perhaps it will not be out of place to state here the 
reasons which suggested that a volume of selections 
from the " Storia " might meet with success. 

The " Storia do Mogor," as a whole, is very lengthy, 
and somewhat diffuse ; and a great deal of it is 
interesting only to the student and the scholar. Some 
passages, such as those dealing with the disputes 
between the Capuchins and Jesuits, might even be 
called wearisome, whilst to many people the mere 


appearance of the four weighty volumes is quite 
alarming. We hoped, therefore, by making a selection 
of passages, dealing chiefly with Manucci's own life- 
story, that we might thus give a sufficiently faithful 
picture of the man and his career, and introduce him 
in this way to many readers, who otherwise would 
never have made his acquaintance. 

In conclusion, I wish to express my most cordial 
thanks to Mr. L. Cranmer-Byng for his kind and able 
assistance and advice, 



January II, 1913. 



Departure from Venice Service with Lord Bellomont Travel i in 
Turkey Arrival in Persia The Shah's banquet Interview with 
'Azamat-ud-daulah, his reply on behalf of the King Negotiations 
fail Of the city of Isfahan, Shiraz, Lar, and Bandar 'Abbasi, Hormuz 
Island The Port of Surat, Burhanpur, Sironj Of Saraes, Narwar, 
Gwaliyar, Dholpur, Agrah Lord Bellomont dies at Hodal His 
property seized Manucci at Dihll, Shahjahan and his audience-hall 
Ambassador's property released Manucci enters Prince Dara's 
service . pp. 1-50 

Warlike preparations Dara and his army set forth Traitorous 
advice to Dara Dawn of battle day Course of events Dara's defeat 
and flight Dara at Agrah, Dihll, and Lahor Manucci starts for 
Dihli Adventures on the way He rejoins Dara Dara leaves for 
Multan M. follows Departure for Bhakkar Siege of Bhakkar 
Evacuation of Bhakkar At Lahor, Primavera killed M. escapes 
naked, goes to Dihll, refuses to serve Aurangzeb . . pp. 51-98 

Manucci as Medecin Malgre* Lui Aurangzeb's march to Kashmir 
Details of march Plan of encampment M. at Dihli, Agrah, and 
Allahabad Bathing in the Ganges Benares and Patnah A journey 
by river Arrival at Hugh" A marriage proposal Interference 
of two friars M. leaves Hugll A rescue from Sati ; M. enters 
service of Jai Singh European modes of fighting on sea and land 
M. negotiates with petty rajahs Spells and sorcery M. and Shiva 
Jl ; At Bassain and Goa M. leaves Goa Attacked by thieves At 
Aurangabad, Agrah, and Dihll M. sets up as a physician His first 
patient M. and Muhammad Amln Khan A false accusation 
of theft He is protected by Fida,e Khan M. and Mahabat 

llian pp. 99-150 



A royal patient, successful treatment Use of human fat and flesh 
Europeans persecute Manucci Attempted murder M. and the 
Pathan widow M. as an exorcist M. leaves Lahor An unlucky 
venture M. enters service of Shah 'Alam Sambha Ji plans to 
seize Goa M. and the Portuguese Events at Goa M's embassy to 
Sambha Ji Sambha Ji's envoy M's embassy to the Mogul fleet 
Second embassy to Sambha JT Arrival of Shah' Alam M. and Shah 
'Alam M. made a Knight of Sant lago M. attempts to leave Shah 
'Alam He is recaptured, granted leave, and returns to the royal 
camp M. again takes flight, reaches Gulkhandah, is brought back 
again A fresh escape M. reaches Madras his marriage pp. 151-197 

Why Manucci left the Mogul country His service with Shah 'Alam, 
1680-85 Royal blood-letting A merry jest jealousy of native 
physicians Successful cases Poor rewards Encounter with an 
angry slave pp. 198-213 

Manucci in Madras Employed by Governor Gyfford Life in San 
Thome Jealousy of the Goa doctors M. as envoy to Shah 'Alam 
M. tricked by a Portuguese Dalpat Rao Life in Goa M. and 
the Inquisitor Life in S. Thome Bishop Caspar Alfonso M. and 
the Jesuits M's letter to Da,ud Khan M. and Da,ud Khan Da,ud 
Khan visits Governor Pitt Da,ud Khan departs . . pp. 215-250 

Da,ud Khan's hostile return Manucci acts as envoy once more 
He assists the French The French envoy successful M. visits 
Da,ud Khan The French and the Moguls Fortresses and artillery 
Vellore fortress Crocodiles Da,ud Khan visits San Thome An 
English deputation Marriage of Francois Martin's granddaughter 
Illness of Francois Martin French pirates M. and the French 
doctor's son Fate of the French doctor M. as swashbuckler He 
recalls his youthful escapades M's house at Big Mount attacked 
M. and Shah 'Alam M. and Muhammad Muqlm M. hides himself 
Friends at Court A good appointment Royal blood-letting M's 
offended dignity Accident attributed to skill A. Legrenzi, physician 
Death of M's wife pp. 251-289 

INDEX pp. 291-310 


Passages placed in square brackets have been 
supplied by the Editor to connect the narrative. 




WHEN I was still quite young, I had a passionate 
desire to see the world, but as my father would not 
allow me to leave Venice, my native place, I resolved 
to quit it in some way or another, no matter how. 
Finding that there was a tartane just about to leave, 
although I did not know its destination, I went on 
board in 1653, at the age of fourteen. The officers of 
the vessel, thinking that I was the son of one of the 
merchants who were going on board, did not ask me 
who I was, but let me pass without question. We had 
scarcely left Venice before we ran into the teeth of a 
gale which lasted twenty-four hours hours of the 
greatest misery to me, as I was sea-sick, being un- 
accustomed to the sea. When twenty-four hours had 
passed, I was forced by hunger to present myself 
before the captain, who asked under whose protec- 
tion I was there. I begged for pardon, saying that, 
having come on board a short time before he put out 
to sea, I had fallen asleep, and that, finding myself 
utterly unprovided for, I had come to him. At this 
he gave orders for me to be looked after; but 
fortunately for me I found on board an English 
gentleman in disguise called Lord Bellomont. He 
bad left England to escape death at the hands of 



Cromwell, protector of that kingdom, who had con- 
demned him because he belonged to the party of 
King Charles 1 1., then in France. This person showed 
me much affection, and when he asked me if I would 
like to go with him, I inquired of him his destination. 
He then told me he was going to Turkey, Persia, 
and India. 

I was much rejoiced thereat, and answered that I 
would gladly go with him, when he at once gave me 
the keys of his wardrobe, and I served him with great 
affection, seeing he loved me as if I had been his son. 
We arrived at Raguza, where we stayed several days 
on account of a contrary wind. Having at last set 
sail, we coasted along Dalmatia and past several 
islands, and finally leaving the Archipelago behind, 
at the end of four months we arrived in the port of 

Smyrna is a Turkish port, and there is a mingling 
of many nations there namely, Italians, French, 
English, Dutch, and many Armenian merchants, 
who all live by the borders of the sea. At the time 
when we were at this port it happened that a Turk 
gave several blows with a stick to the captain of an 
English vessel. The Englishman swallowed the affront 
while he remained in the town waiting to embark, and 
after he had got a little way out to sea he bombarded 
the town and fled. 

We remained seven days at Smyrna ; after that we 
started with a caravan for the town of Burca (Brusa). 
On the road we suffered much from cold, owing to 
the large amount of snow, and we arrived in eight 
days in good health. 

On our arrival at Burca, an ancient town of the 
Greeks, we were received by an Armenian called 
Anthoine Cheleby, who acted as governor of the 
town; and further seeing that we should have to 
wait a long time before we could meet with a caravan 
leaving for Persia, we quitted the town and went to 
live in the country house of the said Anthoine Cheleby. 


While our clothes were being carried out, under charge 
of one of our men called Charles, a Frenchman and a 
great musician, a couly (quit) carrying one tin case 
disappeared. In this box was our money, also the 
best and most valuable of what my master possessed. 
Great efforts were made to recover the things, but all 
we could find was the empty box, lying outside the 
town in the middle of some gardens. In this difficulty 
Anthoine Cheleby gave us whatever we had need of 
for the expenses of our journey. 

[After fifty days in Burca, Lord Bellomont and his 
retainers left for Persia.] 

We pursued our route along with the caravan, 
which was a very large one. In it were several 
Armenian merchants, who looked after our food, also 
our horses, mules, and camels. We put up in their 
tents, where we were very well treated ; but this was 
not done without an object, for the Armenians are 
very fond of their own interest. After some days we 
arrived at Tocat (Tokat). In this town, which lies 
among mountains, we remained eight days, after which 
we started again with the whole caravan, keeping our 
eyes ever open as we advanced by reason of the 
robbers who often on these routes attack caravans. 
This is the reason why men travel armed, and at night 
sentinels are set on watch on every side, so that no 
one can come near the encampment. One day it 
happened that there was a great alarm, some horse- 
men having appeared who wanted to rob us. Twenty- 
two of our mounted men went out against them, and 
prepared to attack them; but the robbers took to 
flight. Still, one of them was caught ; his horse being 
much out of condition, could not gallop like the others. 
He was made prisoner. 

The next day the robbers sent a message praying 
that their comrade might be released, and 10,000 
pataques must be sent. If not, they would attack the 
caravan, and give quarter to no one. This news 
caused some apprehension in the caravan ; but the 


leader of it, who was a brave man and experienced in 
these journeys, showed no fear, but, on the contrary, 
he sent word to them in a rage that he would come 
out in pursuit and leave not one alive. Thus the 
negotiations on both sides were confined to threats 
and defiance ; and this went on for three days, during 
which the robber horseman was always guarded by 
two of our mounted men. After three days, one night, 
while the caravan was asleep, the thief escaped, and 
the quarrel came to an end. 

In these journeys one has to be extremely vigilant, 
taking care never to go any distance from the caravan, 
for those who do so run a very great risk of falling 
into the hands of clever thieves, and of losing both 
goods and life, as has happened to many. If any 
traveller intends to make this journey, he will do well 
to arm himself with a great deal of patience, and take 
good thought of the hardships and disagreeables which 
he will have to encounter on these roads. For it is 
not as in Europe, where there are inns in which all 
the necessities and comforts requisite for life are to be 
found. When travelling in Turkey you must sleep on 
the ground on a piece of carpet, or on the top of some 
bale of goods, where you suffer from the cold. Then, 
in the middle of your sleep, you are roused hurriedly 
to get ready and load up the camels and horses, and 
start on your way. During the day you are much 
troubled with the heat of the sun. Often it happens 
that the Turks seek you out and assail you with much 
abuse, and subject you to much indignity and shame. 
In these encounters it is wise to hang your head down 
like a Capuchin, and not open your mouth. At times 
it is necessary to bear slaps on the face with humility 
and even endure beating with a stick, for fear of 
worse happening. For if a hand is raised by chance 
against a Turk, such person is forthwith either forced 
to become a Mahomedan, or he is decapitated. The 
greatest favour accorded to him would be to let him 
go free after cutting off his hand. It is requisite to 


inform all who mean to travel in these regions that 
they must not wear anything of a green colour. 
Turks only may wear clothes of that colour. This 
remark applies to Turkey, for in Persia and in the 
Mogul Empire Christians can wear any colour they 
like. But the Turks are very particular about green, 
it having been liked and approved by the false prophet 

No traveller need to expect to find wine on the 
journey, for only water is drunk. In order never to 
be without water, it is necessary to have a bottle hang- 
ing from, or attached to, the beast on which one rides, 
and thus be able to have recourse to it in case of 
need. The bottles so used are easily procurable, and 
are sold ready for use. The merchants who go on 
these journeys also carry with them nets, with which 
they can catch fish. Many buy a kind of boiled sour 
milk called jugurd in the language of the country. 
It is put in a say (? sieve), so that the water in it may 
drain away; and in that way it can be kept several 
days. We ate it several times mixed with water, put- 
ting in it biscuits or dry bread, or it was mixed with 
pelos (? pilao). It is very palatable. When any dwell- 
ings are met with you can get eggs, butter, fowls, 
goats, and a few kinds of ripe fruit. But it is advisable 
to carry with you some dried fruit, meat fried in 
butter and packed in leather vessels ; also sausages 
and puddings of salted beef, for it is at times im- 
possible to obtain any food. And the best advice that 
I can give is, not to allow your curiosity to carry you 
so far as to look into the earthen houses of the 
country, or to examine the peasants who dwell in 
them, for thereby one runs the risk of a thousand 
mishaps and evil fortune. 

After having passed over this wearisome road in the 
midst of dangers and across swamps, we arrived at 
Erzerum, where are to be found many Armenians, 
for it is a town with a great trade, lying upon the 
Turkish frontier. There we remained six days. 


Good bread and plentiful supplies are found in the 
town, but the Turks there are dishonest boors ; they 
examined our baggage with great severity (a common 
occurrence in this town, one of which all travellers 
complain). We were able, however, to conceal 
several presents that we were carrying for the King 
of Persia. At the end of the six days we left the 
town and continued our journey. After marching 
for two days, we came to a fortress built in the rock 
on the top of high ground; at its foot was a small 
town called Hassamcala (Hasanqala'h). When we 
had passed that place, and on the same day, the 
men of Erzerum examined our baggage a second 
time, to see if there were no merchandise hidden 
by us ; and although we had very few things, they 
insisted on our paying customs dues a second time, 
finishing up by cursing us as they bade us fare- 
well. However, we had made over to an Armenian 
the swords that we were taking as a present for the 
King of Persia ; we had also confided to him a box in 
which were the letters of the embassy. This man had 
taken another route, and overtook us during the night 
at a place where we were free from the attempts of 
such-like people. 

Next day we continued our march, and after going 
on for eight days we reached a stream called the Aras, 
over which one has to cross several times. In the end, 
by slow degrees, we arrived on Persian territory, 
where we had the consolation of being both freer and 
more honoured than in the country we had just left. 
In due time we came to Erivan, a region which once 
on a time belonged to the Armenians, and thus there 
are still a great many of them living there. Erivan is 
situated just in front of a great mountain called Ararat. 
They say that it was on this mountain that the Ark of 
Noah rested. At a distance of some ten leagues from 
the town the mountain looked as if entirely covered 
with ice on its summit, and when the sun shone 
on it, its appearance was splendid. There are many 


brooks at the foot of this mountain, and the ground 
is covered throughout the year with sweet-smelling 
flowers. The town is enclosed by very thick and 
strong walls of earth, so that cannon would not be 
able to do as much damage as they would on a wall 
of stone, the reason being that the stones fracture 
while the earth does not. The country round is fresh, 
fertile, delicious, abounding in oil and fruit. We 
halted for ten days. 

We drew up at a spot near Erivan, whence the 
Armenians who were with us went to inform the Cam 
(Khari) } or governor of the place, that an ambassador 
had come from the King of England, Charles II., son of 
King Charles I., and was on his way to the King of 
Persia. On receiving this information the Khan sent at 
once to compliment him on his arrival, and invited him 
to enter the town. On the following day, according to 
the usage in regard to all ambassadors who come to 
the King of Persia, we were well received in the 
greatest pomp by the governor, who gave a banquet, 
and presented to the ambassador four horses and 
several pieces of silk. Then he issued orders that 
every day our wants were to be carefully attended to ; 
we and our animals were to be fed plentifully. We 
remained in this place ten days, receiving numerous 
visits and passing our time agreeably, the pleasure 
being enhanced by seeing ourselves in a land of plenty, 
and in the midst of a people more polite than those we 
had just left behind. When we were ready to make a 
start, the governor sent a horseman and several armed 
men on foot to accompany us, as it is the habit to do 
for all ambassadors. These men go on ahead and get 
ready whatever is required for food and repose in the 
villages. Thus we were relieved of all trouble and 

At the end of five days we arrived with our followers 
at the town of Tauris (Tabriz). This town is the same 
as the ancient Ecbatana, built by Arfaxad, King of 


the Medes, as may be read in the Book of Judith 
chapter i. At present it is inhabited by people of 
various nationalities : there are many Armenian mer- 
chants ; many carpets are manufactured, and also 
pieces of silk, velvet, and brocade. Although the 
governor was not actually present in the town, having 
gone to one of the provinces, my lord was acknowledged 
as an ambassador, and treated as is the custom for such. 
We dwelt for some thirty days in this place, where we 
equipped ourselves and got ready new clothes to be 
worn on our arrival at the court of the King of Persia. 
He was then at Casbin (Qazwin). We were forced to 
have new clothes, those we had being of Turkish 

Before entering the town I noticed an open place 
where stood two pillars which marked the distance 
that a stick had been thrown by Sultan Morad (Murad) 
the Grand Signer, when he came to take Tabriz. But 
it seems almost impossible that a man should be able 
to throw a stick so far. I noticed also that the town is 
fairly large, surrounded by gardens which contain fine 
trees yielding good fruit. There are many mulberry 
trees, so that they have much silk, of which they make 
various kinds of stuff. 

At the end of thirty days we started again, accom- 
panied as before, and with the same retinue. As we 
went along, I saw that the land did not produce so 
many trees, nor was water so plentiful as in Turkey ; 
for in Persia they are forced in many places to bring 
water from a great distance through underground 
channels. They make big holes to see if there is 
running water underneath, and whether it is suffi- 
cient. In the open country there are certain dry 
plants on which the sheep subsist and grow fat. 
They have very long and broad tails from which 
much fat is obtained, and their wool is excellent. 
The skins of these sheep are very soft, and the wool 
curly ; it is usual to make fur coats from them, and 
also hats. I have also noticed in Persia that there 


is no firewood, and in place of it they burn cow- 
dung, also the droppings of camels, horses, asses, 
and sheep. 


At the end of thirteen days we arrived at the city 
of Qazwin, where the king, Xaabas (Shah 'Abbas), 
was. We were conducted to a house made ready 
for the purpose ; and after three days a captain came, 
accompanied by several cavalry soldiers, to visit the 
ambassador on behalf of the chief ministers of the 
king. He presented congratulations on our arrival, 
with many compliments and offers of service. Sub- 
sequently the ambassador paid a visit to the chief 
minister, called Etmadolat ('Azamat-ud-daulah), which 
means ''Modesty of Wealth," by whom he was well 
received with many polite speeches and compliments, 
in which the Persians are never wanting. Between 
them there was much conversation in the Turkish 
language, the chief object of which was directed to 
finding out what presents we had brought for the 
King of Persia ; secondly, to know the ambassador's 
rank, so that the proper honours might be paid to 
his person. Hearing from the Armenians that he 
(Bellomont) was of a great family, 'Azamat-ud-daulah 
sent to Smyrna to obtain information whether or not 
he were of the great family that he claimed to be. 
Meanwhile, after eight days from our arrival, we 
were sent for to the royal palace, into which we went 
through numerous gates, ending in a large court- 
yard, in the midst of which stood two beautiful trees 
full of shade. Beneath them were two lions fastened 
with heavy golden chains; before each lion was a 
large golden basin full of water. Also below each 
tree stood a well-dressed man with long moustachios 
reaching to his shoulders, in his hand a short spear 
all of gold, with his face turned towards the royal 


seat. We wont on our way, and next came to an 
open liall, which hatl t\\<nl\ beautiful -Mil pill. us, 
ornamented \\ilh many kinds of lloral designs ami 
mam rohuued en. iincl->. llere we seated ourselves 
in the expectation that the king would come out. 

An horn allerwaids the king ai lived in great state, 
wlieieupon .ill iosc to then led, and ctosscd their 
hands on their breasts, and made a how with lowered 
heads. This, tOO, was (lone by the ambassador, 
SCCing that this Was the CUStoiu o! that eourt. Then, 
approaching the king, he delivered to him the letter, 
winch the king took with his own hand, ami placed 
in that of the chief minister, who stood at his 

The king seated himself in his place, and the master 
of ceremonies, who was close to the ambassador, 
pointed out to him his place, which was the lifth on 
the right hand. He was to sit there. On taking his 

seat he picsented a hi east plate, a headpiece (lIMW 
and sword mountings, all ot tine work made at Paris. 
All these were accepted by the king, who looked at 

thr amhassadoi \\ilh a pleased tace, saying to him 

that he was delighted at his coming. All this was 
spoken through an interpreter, an Armenian, who 

Was in our employ. Then he asked after the health 
ot the King ot, inquiring it he had any 

brothers, if he were married, how old he was, and 

whether he- was loved by his people. To all these 
questions the ambassador replied ; and after the lapse 4 
ot one hour the king rose, saying to the ambassador 
that he .should take lesi and ireoxei horn his fatigues. 
Meanwhile he torwaided to Kspahao (Isfahan) the 

letter brought by the ambassador m order to have 

it translated by a I'apuchiu trial named Kiev Raphael 
Pumaiis, well acquainted with the I'm kish and 1 Yi siau 
languages, a priest of great \ nines, loved by the king 
and all the court. 

The letter having been translated, the king sent 
to the ambassador an imitation to come to Court, 


where he gave him a banquet at his own table. It 
was given in the hall already described, which was 
decorated with rich brocade and handsome cushions. 
In the assembly was the king seated in the midst of 
ten persons. That is to say, on his right hand 
'Azamat-ud-daulah, then three of the great officials, 
and in the fifth place the ambassador, and on his 
left hand other five men, who were the chief generals 
then actually present at court. 

Below the royal seat, which was raised the height 
of a foot, there were on each side thirty persons, all 
men of rank and position. 

They placed in front of the king twelve large basins 
of gold filled with polas (puldo} of various kinds, and 
four dishes of different roast meats, six porcelain 
vessels holding various other meats, and several boxes 
having their covers ornamented with all sorts of 
precious stones. Each of those who were on the 
two sides of the king had the half of what the king 
himself had placed before him, and the sixty who were 
farther down, away from the king's side, had each 
of them four basins of pulao. At this banquet wine 
was absent ; and although the king knew how to 
drink a drop or two, on this occasion he refrained 
as a matter of dignity. When the first course was 
finished, the second was brought, consisting of much 
fruit and numerous sweet dishes. 

The reader will be pleased to learn what puldo 
means. Puldo is rice cooked with many spices : 
cloves, cinnamon, mace, pimento, cardamoms, ginger, 
saffron, raisins, and almonds, to which is added the 
flesh of sheep, or fowls, or goats, and the whole 
dressed with plenty of butter. They make these 
puldos of many sorts and of different flavours. 

When the feast had ended, the king rose and said 
to the ambassador that he might start for the city of 
Isfahan, for which he himself would set out in a few 
days. This sending off of milord was because they 
were waiting for the answer from Smyrna, whether 


it was true that he had been sent as an ambassador 
by the King of England, Charles II., and whether 
he was of the rank that he claimed. At the end of 
six months the answer came, as I shall mention 
presently. Meanwhile we had spent fifty days in 
this city of Qazwin, and every day there came to 
us food in abundance for every one of our people, 
with sufficient wine, and whatever was necessary for 
our animals. 

The city of Qazwin stands in the midst of several 
mountains ; it has sufficient water, many gardens, 
and much fruit, a fitting place for the holiday re- 
sort of a king, however great he may be, where he 
can go out after game, with which the country is 
well supplied. 

We came out of Qazwin to start for Isfahan, and 
neither at the time of leaving nor during the journey 
were the accustomed supplies delivered to us. None 
the less, we managed to make our journey in suffi- 
cient comfort, and in twelve days we reached Isfahan, 
where there was made over to us as a dwelling 
a large house with a lovely garden. It was the 
property of the general of the king's artillery, who 
was then in Qazwin. There we fed ourselves at our 
own expense. 

Finally, at the end of three months, when winter had 
passed, the king arrived at Isfahan, and we were 
obliged to leave that house where the general lived, 
and they made over to us another. After a few days 
the ambassador sent a message to 'Azamat-ud-daulah 
that he desired to pay him a visit, but the answer 
returned was that in these days, the king being newly- 
arrived, he was very much occupied, and he (the 
ambassador) must have a little patience, and that 
notice would be given of the time when they could 

Thus matters were kept in suspense till the answer 
from Smyrna should arrive. Finally, they learnt that 
without any doubt the Belmont (Lord Bellomont) had 


been sent as ambassador, and that he was of the rank 
that he asserted. Three months after the king's 
arrival at Isfahan, 'Azamat-ud-daulah sent for the 
ambassador, and held with him a long conversation. 
I was present the whole time, quite close to the 
ambassador, who put me forward as his son. 

In the speech he made, he (the ambassador) told 
how the king, Charles I., was unjustly beheaded by 
his subjects, who into his place had raised a man of 
low origin, banishing King Charles II. and his brother 
James from the kingdom, and persecuting them. He 
had, therefore, come to His Majesty of Persia to ask 
for help, in accordance with the friendship which had 
always existed between the crowns of England and 
of Persia. 

'Azamat-ud-daulah asked in what way could his 
king give aid such as he required. Then the 
ambassador replied that he should call to mind 
the word given long ago by the King of Persia to 
afford help to the King of Great Britain, should 
occasion arise. That also he still owed for the 
expenses incurred by the King of England when 
he sent a fleet to take the fortress of Orumus 
(Ormuz) from the hands of the Portuguese, and 
made it over to Persia. It was also most desirable 
that he should assist King Charles II. at this con- 
juncture, by expelling from his dominions all the 
English who were partisans of the rebellion, and 
compel them to abandon their trade. By thus doing 
the praise of the generous acts of the famous Persian 
king would go through all the world. 'Azamat-ud- 
daulah, having listened to this reasoning with a 
solemn countenance, replied with a smile that he 
would report to the king all that had been said, and 
would give an answer afterwards. With this ended 
the interview. 

When eight days had elapsed from the visit to the 
wazir the ambassador was invited to a grand banquet 
in a beautiful palace that the king had recently com- 


pleted. At its gateway stood the large and handsome 
cannon which were captured at Ormuz. They were 
near a large reservoir of nice appearance and very 
pleasant. At this second feast which the king gave 
him, the ambassador was treated with great honours 
in deference to his embassy, 'Azamat-ud-daulah and 
a number of officers proceeding to the gates of the 
palace to meet him, and continuing in his suite until 
he arrived before the king. The latter caused his 
guest to be seated in the second place that is to 
say, 'Azamat-ud-daulah came first, then the ambas- 
sador, then three of the king's officers; there being 
on the left hand five other persons, the greatest 
of the generals. The seat was larger than in 
Qazwin, with greater richness, and the room more 
beautiful. In it were sundry officials and captains, 
who stood. 

There was not much conversation. The king only 
asked the ambassador whether the climate of Persia 
suited him; to which the ambassador replied that, 
after all, the climate of Persia had much resemblance 
to that of England, by reason of the frosts and snows 
that it had. I was standing behind the ambassador, 
and the king asked who I was. The ambassador 
answered that he looked upon me as his son. The 
king said to him that if he chose to make me over to 
him he would treat me very well, and thus there 
would be a memorial of him left at the court. The 
ambassador said that if I were in reality his son he 
would make me over to His Majesty, but as my 
parents had placed me in his care, he could not part 
with me. 

This was the conversation that we had until, after 
one hour had passed, the table was laid ; it was much 
more imposing and more highly adorned than the one 
at Qazwin. The place where the king was seated 
was larger, and the carpets of greater value and more 
beautiful. The king's whole table vessels were of 
gold, with covers having handles ornamented with 


precious stones. In the lower seats were on each 
side fifty men, all nobles, including a few men of 
learning. Among these the king ordered me to take 
my seat. Each person had four plates full of pulao, 
also various dishes of roast and fried meat, and some 
of pickles. I noticed that all these men were of large 
frame, tall, and well made, with huge moustachios 
which some of them had twisted round their ears, so 
that they might not fall on their shoulders. All were 
well clad in rich stuffs, and wore enormous turbans. 
Many of them ate voraciously. 

The first course being finished, they set before us 
the second, consisting of a great quantity of fruit, 
which in Isfahan is very plentiful. This course 
lasted two hours, and at the end of it the king rose 
and entered the female apartments. 'Azamat-ud- 
daulah conducted the ambassador to the end of the 
room, holding him by the hand, saying that nothing 
should be wanting on his part to do him service, 
with many amicable speeches, in which this kind of 
people are never deficient. 

Some days elapsed after the above invitation, when 
'Azamat-ud-daulah sent to the ambassador from the 
king fifty pieces of gold and silver brocade, velvet, and 
various-coloured silk, four pairs of handsome carpets, 
and 2,000 patacas, which arrived just at the right time ; 
for the ambassador had run into debt with certain 
Armenian merchants, and with this money he paid his 
debt. After a very few days the ambassador went to 
the house of 'Azamat-ud-daulah, where he remained 
a long time in consultation, the subject being the 

The ambassador demanded a favourable reply, say- 
ing that it was necessary for him to leave. 'Azamat- 
ud-daulah made use of many friendly expressions, 
but was not desirous of answering the proposition 
laid before him. By putting questions he feigned 
an eagerness to know whether England was a large 
kingdom, how many men it could place in the field, 


if there were a route to it by land. He appeared 
to be much amazed that all the kings of Europe, 
being themselves Christian, did not afford succour 
to the King of England. 

The ambassador replied to all this, but chiefly to 
this last question. He said if the King of Persia 
would pay the money that he owed, the King of 
England could then, without other assistance, obtain 
possession of his kingdom, and seize his enemies. 
Seeing the stiff answer of the ambassador, 'Azamat- 
ud-daulah succeeded in sending him away with 
pleasant words. 

During the time the ambassador was in Isfahan, 
the king decided to have a parade of his armed 
force, and make a display of his power. For this 
affair he sent an invitation to the ambassador. We 
repaired to the very large royal hall, containing 
forty pillars, which has an outlook on the great 
square. In this hall the king takes his seat but 
rarely, and only when he has a review of his cavalry. 
These reviews are held twice a year ; each time they 
last three days. 

We went one day only. We saw the cavalry enter 
at one side of the plain and march out at the other. 
The soldiers, forty thousand in number, were mostly 
clad in mail, and bore maces ; some squadrons had 
lances, others bows and arrows, others matchlocks. 
All were mounted on good and swift horses, and they 
carried standards bearing devices. At the end of the 
review we saw two Persians bound each on a camel, 
with their bowels protruding. Their offence was 
causing a disturbance, after they had drunk too much 
wine. These men were conducted thus through the 
city until they died. 

The ambassador, although somewhat doubtful of 
obtaining an answer such as he desired, never desisted 
from importuning 'Azamat-ud-daulah, reminding him 
that it was close upon a year that he had been in 
Isfahan without making the smallest advances in the 


negotiations for which he had come so far. 'Azamat- 
ud-daulah put him off from day to day. At length, 
tired out by so many remonstrances, he made up his 
mind to give an answer. With this view he sent a 
message to the ambassador, requesting him to be good 
enough to come to his house, as he wanted to speak to 

We repaired to the house of 'A^amat-ud-daulah, 
who received the ambassador with many gracious 
words and much politeness. Seating themselves 
they began a long conversation to the following 
effect : 'Azamat-ud-daulah began a very long way 
off by remarking that the King of Persia was a great 
friend of the King of England, and cherished for 
him the same amity that he had felt towards the 
former kings, his ancestors; he greatly desired to 
assist that king, chiefly owing to the great necessity 
of the case. This was the reason that he had post- 
poned his reply, while he searched for and con- 
sidered ways in which he could give assistance. But 
he could find no manner of so doing. The Persian 
cavalry and the rest of their troops could not be sent, 
by reason of the great distance by the land route. On 
the road were many kingdoms through which they 
must pass. Thus it was impossible to be of any use 
by sending an armed force. Then he had sought for 
some means of helping him by way of the sea ; but to 
send a great fleet he saw was extremely difficult. In 
Persia they had no ships, and, should they attempt to 
construct them, they had not sufficient materials for 
the purpose. 

Another reason for the long delay in giving an 
answer was this : they had used the interval to find 
out from the nations of Europe the Portuguese, the 
Dutch, and even the English themselves whether 
they could purchase any ships in which to send rein- 
forcements to the king. But in spite of all the offers 
they had made, they could not obtain what they 
wanted. The ambassador knew well that this was all 


a pretence, but he kept his temper, although showing 
signs of impatience at all this long-winded and 
superfluous talk. 

When 'Azamat-ud-daulah had finished this long 
speech, the ambassador began as follows : First of all, 
he expressed his thanks for the great efforts that the 
King of Persia and 'Azamat-ud-daulah had taken to 
assist the King of England. Then, half making fun of 
'Azamat-ud-daulah's many words, he said to him that 
he himself had a much easier method of remedying all 
this, without giving trouble to the Persian monarch, 
and without fatiguing the Persian soldiers, so famous 
throughout Europe. This plan was that the King of 
Persia should pay, cash down, the money due on the 
bill owing to the King of England. He had not come 
all that long journey in search of cavalry, nor a fleet, 
nor ships, but of a debt in arrears. If he would 
excuse him, he would say a word or two frankly. 
To this 'Azamat-ud-daulah replied that he might 
speak as freely as he liked. Upon this the ambas- 
sador continued that all that had been said by him 
showed that his king had no intention of paying 
the debt. 'Azamat-ud-daulah, in a deceptive manner 
and smiling, said that his king wished to pay, but, 
seeing that the amount demanded was very large, it 
would require a great number of beasts of burden, 
that it would be necessary to pass through other 
kingdoms, that possibly he might be robbed on his 
way. Nor was the difficulty met by saying that he 
could carry the amount by sea, for all the world 
knew what risks were run at sea, both of being 
attacked and of being wrecked, whereby the whole 
amount would be lost. 

The ambassador's answer was that, if they gave 
him the money, he knew quite well how to take care 
of it and remove it in safety. If they paid over to 
him a sufficient sum, the King of England, his master, 
would have no other demand to make. He would 
hold himself satisfied, according to the orders he had 


received, as set forth in the letters he had presented. 
This he said with a certain show of emotion, for by 
this time he saw that their object was to pay him in 

'Azamat-ud-daulah hung his head down and affected 
a mild expression of countenance, then said in a low 
voice : " Necessity is not the most perfect of judges." 
He added that, as to banishing from the Persian 
realm the English traders, that could not be ; for the 
king had allowed them willingly to enter his territory 
the land of Persia was free to all and the king 
declined to turn out any one unless he had been 
guilty of an offence. All the same, they would grant 
him (Bellomont) leave to eject them from the kingdom 
himself by his own forces. The king would back 
up neither one side nor the other. 

Finally, being wearied out, the ambassador said, with 
a certain amount of passion, that he had not looked 
for such an answer from a king of such fame in the 
world, especially after the Persian kingdom had 
received aid from the King of England, at great cost 
to the latter. 'Azamat-ud-daulah did not change 
countenance, but endeavoured to pacify the ambas- 
sador, saying that such events were sent from above, 
that never was all that we asked of God granted us, 
that in due time God would bring to mind his king. 
Encouraging him and consoling him with kind and 
soft words, he added that, if he were in any difficulty 
for expenses, he could send to his interpreter, who 
would help him. Hearing this, the ambassador said 
not a single word, but rose hastily, came forth, and 
returned home. When he had arrived there, he by- 
and-by gave an order for the sale of some pieces of 
cloth and some carpets which still remained, to provide 
for our road expenses. 

The above conversation was in Turkish, which I could 
already speak and understand sufficiently. Listening 
to everything with the greatest attention, I admired 
the way in which 'Azamat-ud-daulah was able to 


evade the aggressive answers of the ambassador 
without betraying any sign of ill-humour. 

The firm words of the ambassador were the cause 
of their giving him his leave to depart after a brief 
delay. With this intent, eight days after the above- 
mentioned conversation, he was sent for to court on 
behalf of the king, when we were given another feast 
like the one which I have described, and in the same 
place. At the end of the banquet 'Azamat-ud-daulah 
took the ambassador by the hand and led him in front 
of the royal seat at a distance of two or three paces, 
and with his face towards the king. The ambassador 
was on the left side of 'Azamat-ud-daulah. The latter 
put his hand into his pocket and drew forth a bag of 
gold brocade, in which was a letter. Lifting this bag 
with both hands, he placed it on his head, making a 
profound reverence to the king, bowing his head most 
deeply. Then he handed the said bag to the ambas- 
sador, saying that his king sent that letter to the 
King of England. He was directed to make obeisance 
as he had seen the others do. During this short 
speech 'Azamat-ud-daulah held half the bag in his 
hand, while the other half was in that of the ambas- 
sador. As soon as the brief speech was ended the 
ambassador drew the bag from the hands of 'Azamat- 
ud-daulah, and quickly turned his back, and without 
any sort of bow held it out contemptuously to the 
interpreter. This man at once hastened up to re- 
ceive the letter with both hands, for the motion 
made by the ambassador showed that, if he did not 
hurry near, the ambassador would throw the bag 
at him. 

Then, without any civility, or any sort of bow, he 
left 'Azamat-ud-daulah standing where he was and 
went out, his head high, while the king sat with 
cast-down eyes as if he saw nothing of what was 
passing. All those present remained in silent wonder 
at such boldness. I was quite close to the ambassador, 
and came out, notwithstanding with some amount of 


dread, anticipating that the king would send out some 
order to have us killed. But we were not interfered 

On arriving home we took measures to prepare 
ourselves without delay for continuing our journey 
in fact, we did so at the end of nine days ; and the 
ambassador, not being provided with sufficient funds 
for our expenses, applied to the head of the English 
factory at Isfahan, who was called Mestre Jhon 
(Mr. Young), a very short man, but most generous 
and liberal, as I made note of from the feasts and 
offerings which several times he had given to the said 

The city of Isfahan is very large, situated in a great 
plain at the foot of some IOW T hills. It has four canals 
of water, which flow through the midst of it, and these 
serve for irrigating the gardens. These canals issue 
from a river which flows between Julpha (Zulfah) 
and Isfahan ; its name is Senderuth (Zindah-rud) ; 
over it are four bridges somewhat distant from each 
other. Of the four, two are especially handsome 
namely, the one on the road from Isfahan to Julpha 
(Zulfah). You approach it by a long and wide raised 
way, adorned on both sides with the great and 
beautiful walled gardens of the king, and with high 
trees, called in Persian " chenar " (chandr\ and in 
European languages " planes." In the midst thereof 
flows one of the aforesaid canals of water, which fills 
various reservoirs for the use of the said gardens, 
and goes on its course until it reaches again the 
river from which it was taken. Horses are ridden 
on the raised way. 

There are many seats where the Persians imbibe 
tobacco from crystal " guriguris," called by them 
" caliao " (qaliyan), which are long and narrow-necked 
circular flasks filled with water, having a vessel of 
tinned copper or of silver in the shape of an open 
flower of the water-lily stuck into its (the flask's) 
mouth, and filled with tobacco. With this they sit, 


telling stories until late, sometimes, without exaggera- 
tion, as many as five or six thousand of them. 

The second bridge, which is the finest of them all, 
is called the bridge of Xiras (Shiraz), thus named 
because when going from Isfahan to Shiraz you cross 
over it. The bridge consists of three stories besides 
the chief one, which is in the middle. The king goes 
there sometimes with his harem, and he can descend 
to the water without being seen. By all these stones 
you can cross from one side of the river to the other. 
The water runs over dressed stones, made artificially 
high or low, so as to produce waves pleasing to be- 

I noticed that the houses of Isfahan, and those 
throughout Persia, seen from the front, are not pleas- 
ing, being all made of clay ; but they are lovely inside, 
and highly decorated. They have both large and 
small gardens, with good fruit trees that is to say, 
pears, apples, peaches, apricots, mulberries, sweet and 
sour quinces, like the apples of Europe, vines of Boas 
Vuas, and vineyards of Vuas, grapes without stones, 
which are called "quiximis " (kishmish), many kinds of 
plums and all the varieties of flowers that grow in 
Europe, for the Armenians are very fond of growing 
European flowers, and present them to the Persian 
nobles. The Persians, as also the Moguls, are fond of 
flowers and perfumes. 

In front of the royal palace is a large plain, where 
throughout the year stand fruit-sellers' booths, and a 
large quantity of exquisite melons. Here they drink 
coffee and smoke tobacco ; the place is always full of 
people going and coming. Here are to be seen 
dancers, wrestlers, and other performers. In one 
corner of this open square is a palace where musical 
instruments are played ; and there stands the clock 
found by them in the fortress of Ormuz, which they 
preserve as a memorial of their victory over the Portu- 
guese. The city is always clean, due to the energy 
of the gardeners, because with what is removed from 


the streets they manure their gardens. They collect 
most industriously the sewage from the houses for the 
same purpose. This is a great help to keeping the air 
pure by not allowing dirt to accumulate in the city. 
There are also many baths, where the body may be 
washed. The soul also profits (as they believe), for 
when they wash themselves they imagine themselves 
to be absolved from their sins. Ablution serves 
among the Mahomedans and speaking always with 
due reverence like confession and absolution among 
us Catholics. In the city are two factories one of the 
English, the other of the Dutch. There are also four 
churches one of the Portuguese Augustinians, which 
the present king caused to be entirely gilded at his 
own expense, and he went there several times to see 
our ceremonial. Another church belongs to the bare- 
footed Carmelites, another to the Jesuits, another to 
the Capuchins. 

There are also in the city many mosques, among 
them a dome with two tombs, which are much 
venerated. The door of this dome is only opened 
once a year, on the occasion of a great festival, to 
which flock people from different provinces on the 
appointed day. One tomb they assert to be that 
of 'Alt, the other they state to be that of his sons 
Assen (Hasan) and Ossen (Husain), who are revered 
as martyrs. Others declare they are tombs of the 
companions of Muhammad, although he had no court 
or courtiers. 

We were now to continue our journey, where- 
fore we begged the help of Mestre Jonh (Henry 
Young), who gave to the ambassador the assistance 
he required. We wished to leave Isfahan in com- 
pany with the said Mestre Jonh (Henry Young), but 
we could not conclude our business in time. He 
left several days before we did, and we left at the 
end of September, of one thousand six hundred and 
fifty-two (1652). 

During our journey to the town of Xiras (Shiraz) 


we obtained good supplies of food, but the road is 
somewhat difficult, owing to the mountain ranges 
which must be crossed, where horses are fatigued 
not a little in trying to keep their feet. But I must 
allow there is also some fine open country, not- 
withstanding there are some very difficult swamps. 
The mountains are like all those in Persia that is 
to say, generally bare of trees, though not wanting 
in fodder for sheep and goats, which in some places 
produce the stone called ftazar (bezoar). Of these 
stones I will speak when I come to write of the 
kingdom of Gulkhandah, where there is an abundance 
of them. 

The sheep of Persia are very prolific; they bring 
forth young twice a year, by the help of a grain called 
chicharos, on which they are fed at a certain time 
of the year ; and their wool is of the sort already 
described (p. 8). 

Finally, at the end of fifteen days' travel, we arrived 
at the town of Xiras (Shiraz), where we stayed for 
thirty days, the ambassador having fallen ill. He 
received many visits from a barefooted Carmelite friar, 
a missionary to the Armenians who dwell here. The 
air of this town is very fresh ; there are many gardens 
with good fruit, and the country round produces a 
quantity of grapes ; consequently they make a great 
deal of wine, which is exported to all parts of India. 
\ Although the law of the Mahomedans forbids the 
drinking of wine, still the King of Persia permits the 
English to make it ; but they only produce enough 
for the company and not to sell to others. In this 
region there is no deficiency of food produced, of 
oranges, of lemons, nor, above all, of roses, which 
they distil, and the rose-water is forwarded in boxes 
to all parts. 

One of the wonderful things round Shiraz is a 
famous building standing at a distance approximately 
of two leagues, where dwelt, as they declare, the great 
Darius, King of Persia, who was defeated in battle by 


Alexander the Great. There is also a mountain in 
which is a cave where drips a liquid called by the 
Persians mumihay (mumiyai). This liquid belongs to 
the king exclusively, and thus the cave is closed by 
doors and guarded by vigilant sentinels. It is the 
business of these men to collect the liquid (which 
drips in minute quantities) and then forward it to the 
king. When he wishes to make a gift to anyone, he 
gives them a little of this liquid. This is on account 
of the admirable results it produces that is, for all 
bruises, fractures of bones, and sores. 

If what they say is true, though I have not made the 
experiment, should the leg of a cock or other animal 
be broken and you take of the above liquid ten to 
fifteen drops and give it to the animal to drink, at the 
same time anointing the wounded place with it, then, 
if it is a true story, in twenty-four hours the bones 
will unite. I possessed a little, given me by one of 
the king's eunuchs. He had effected wonderful cures 
with it. The principal case was the recovery of a 
stonemason who fell from a great height, and lay with 
his bones broken, blood pouring from his mouth, 
nostrils, and ears, the man having entirely lost his 
senses and being without hope of life. In two days 
he was perfectly well. There is also a pond (pauso) 
where on the top of the water floats a ready-made gum 
which is sold by the natives as the royal liquid, thus 
cheating a few simpletons. It is not devoid of virtues, 
but they are nothing like so great as those of the royal 

When the ambassador began to recover his health, 
we quitted Shfraz, and in nine days we were at the 
fort of Lar, which they say was formerly much larger, 
with a great enclosed space. But in the Middle Ages 
it was quite small, inhabited by many Hindus, who 
bought there the goods brought by traders from 
Isfahan and other places, and then exported them to 
many countries, principally from the ports of Congo 
and Bandar 'Abbas. 


During our journey from Shfraz as far as Lar we 
were in excellent health, but were in some concern 
lest we should not find water for drinking ; for on the 
roads the water which is used is that collected during 
the rainy season in great cisterns. The earth being 
salt, the water which flows over it acquires the same 
property, and therefore is not potable. For this reason 
they preserve water in cisterns, in which there are all 
kinds of filth, and it is only out of absolute necessity 
that one feels inclined to drink. 

In spite of this defect of water the country was 
sufficiently humid, and many places had their gardens 
of oranges, of palm trees and date trees bearing dates. 
In Lar we obtained sufficient food supplies, but water 
only of the quality described. There was water below 
ground in channels, as is the custom over almost the 
whole of Persia. The fort of Lar is placed upon a 
small hill standing in the midst of four other hills of 
the same size. Thus the fort in time of war is in want 
of protection from good walls and dependent edifices, 
for an enemy who occupied the aforesaid hills could 
easily attack the fort. 

After a day's rest we left Lar and journeyed through 
open and agreeable country, coming to different 
" sarays " (sardes), where we obtained grapes and 
melons for our consumption. We moved between 
hills of salt, we crossed several streams, whose 
crystal clearness invited us to drink, but their waters 
were so salt that no one could even pass them over 
his tongue. Among the rest is a stream called Ryo 
Salgado (Salt River), over which was a great bridge of 
more than thirty arches. In nine days, after sufferings 
enough, we arrived at Gomoram (Gombroon), of which 
the other name is Bandarabassi (Bandar 'Abbasi), 
meaning " Harbour of Shah 'Abbas " ; for, being a 
port on the sea, it is called " Bander " (bandar), and 
having been established by the Great Shah 'Abbas, 
they have added " abassi " and have come to call it 
Bandarabassi. This harbour was made by Shah 


'Abbas, after having recovered from the hands of the 
Portuguese, with the aid of the English, the famous 
island and fort of Orumus (Hormuz). 

This island was formerly the greatest and most 
frequented port on the ocean, where dwelt traders 
to every region in India men of great wealth so 
that a merchant possessing more than a million of 
patacas (about 100,000) was not a man of very great 
account Shah 'Abbas considered that by making 
himself master of Hormuz, and transferring the port 
to the mainland, lying not over a league from the 
island, he would be able to draw all this wealth 
into Persia. But he was frustrated in his object 
because the traders were afraid of his interfer- 
ence. The island has many hills of salt, and the 
climate is therefore prejudicial to life. Notwith- 
standing this, the Persians are so jealous about the 
island that they do not wish a single European to 
set foot in it. 

After we had been at Bandar 'Abbas three days, the 
ambassador ordered me to go to the English factory to 
speak to the chief, requesting him to send a trust- 
worthy person to discuss certain negotiations of 
great importance. The chief sent to him Mestre Pit 
(Mr. Pitt), who had acted as page to the English 
gentleman desirous of speaking to Shah 'Abbas. 
With him there was a full hour's discussion. Next 
day the chief himself came with the officials of the 
factory to visit the ambassador. Offers were made 
to him to serve him in every way they could. At the 
time there was an English vessel, belonging to a 
private owner, about to sail for the port of Surrati 
(Surat). They asked the ambassador to embark in 
her, as she would be the last vessel to leave Bandar 
'Abbas in that monsoon. Then we ate mutton which 
came from Hormuz, also good and cheap fish caught in 
the harbour. 

The water at Bandar 'Abbas is either rain-water or 
brackish, and of such bad quality that it disorders the 



bodily humours, and generates worms as long as your 
arm, which appear on the hands, jaws, and legs. 
When they begin to show themselves you must lay 
hold of them by the head, and pull at them daily, 
winding them round a hide (? twig) or cloth very 
slowly. For if they break they turn inwards, causing 
great pain and becoming very difficult to cure. For 
this reason, everybody who can do it sends to fetch 
water by camels from inland, three leagues off, at a 
place called Hixin. The climate of this port is most 
noxious by reason of the salt ridges, and of certain 
hot winds, and the noise of the sea. I noted that 
many of the inhabitants had defective sight and teeth, 
and I was informed that on this coast, as far as Arabia 
and Mecca, they suffered from these ailments by 
reason of the many dates they eat ; for the larger 
number of the inhabitants live upon that fruit in 
addition to fish. 

Two days after the visit that the Englishmen had 
paid to the ambassador that is to say, on the fifteenth 
of December of one thousand six hundred and fifty- 
two (1652 ; should be 1655) we went on board the 
said vessel. During the whole of our voyage the 
captain treated us with great politeness and civility. 
Setting sail, we arrived in twelve days, having favour- 
able winds, at a port in the Great Mogul's territory 
called Sindi. There the vessel anchored, and we 
travelled up-stream by the river for a whole night to 
an inhabited place, which stood twelve hours' journey 
from the sea. This river is a very large one, it being 
formed of seven rivers which flow down from the 
interior of the country, as I will relate hereafter. 
Here we saw many Arabian and Persian vessels 
which import great quantities of dates, horses, seed- 
pearls, incense, gum-mastic, senna-leaves, and Jew's- 
stones, which come from Mecca. In return they load 
up with white and black sugar, butter, olive oil, and 
cocos, which medical men call nos Indica (Indian Nut). 
Of this product and its virtues I will make mention 


farther on. They also export many kinds of white 
linen (? cotton cloth) and printed goods which are 
manufactured in the same region. When the business 
was finished that our captain had to do at this place, 
we left it, and returned to the vessel. Setting sail, we 
arrived in a few days at the port of Surat on the 
twelfth of January of one thousand six hundred and 
fifty-three (1653 ; correctly 1655-6). 

As soon as we anchored milord went ashore 
secretly, following the advice given to him by our 
captain and by a private trader to seek a refuge in 
the town. For the English were going to seize him 
and put him by force on board one or other of the 
English vessels, then in harbour and about to sail 
for England. It produced great astonishment in 
me to see how milord landed without breathing a 
word to me. But I heard the reason afterwards 
when I reached Surat, bringing all the baggage 
which was in my charge. There we found Mestre 
Jonh (Henry Young), who had left Persia a short 
time before ; and my master announced that he had 
come as an ambassador from the King to the Great 

When the Governor of Surat heard of the am- 
bassador's arrival, he ordered his secretary to pay 
him a visit. The message thus brought was that 
rumour said he had come as ambassador, therefore 
he was requested to state whether this was true or 
not. It was necessary for him (the governor) to send 
a report to the Emperor Xaaiahan (Shahjahan), then 
ruling over the Empire of the Great Mogul. The 
ambassador replied that it was correct, that he could 
write in all confidence, and announce his arrival. 
Before I say anything of our stay, I will state some- 
thing about this port. 

I was much amused when I landed to see the greater 
number of the inhabitants dressed in white clothes, also 
the many different kinds of people, as well men as 
women. The latter, mostly Hindus, do not conceal 


the face as in Persia and Turkey, where women go 
about with their faces hidden. It is true that the 
Mahomedan women do not allow their faces to be 
seen by anyone, it being contrary to their law to 
allow themselves to be seen with an uncovered face. 
But among other things I was much surprised to see 
that almost everybody was spitting something as red 
as blood. I imagined it must be due to some com- 
plaint of the country, or that their teeth had become 
broken. I asked an English lady what was the matter, 
and whether it was the practice in this country for 
the inhabitants to have their teeth extracted. When 
she understood my question, she answered that it 
was not any disease, but (due to) a certain aromatic 
leaf, called in the language of the country, pan, or 
in Portuguese, betele. She ordered some leaves to 
be brought, ate some herself, and gave me some 
to eat. Having taken them, my head swam to such 
an extent that I feared I was dying. It caused me 
to fall down, I lost my colour, and endured agonies, 
but she poured into my mouth a little salt, and 
brought me to my senses. The lady assured me 
that every one who ate it for the first time felt the 
same effects. 

Betel, or pan, is a leaf similar to the ivy leaf, but 
the betel leaf is longer ; it is very medicinal, and eaten 
by everybody in India. They chew it along with 
"arrecas" (arecd), which physicians call Avclans 
Indicas (Indian filberts) and a little catto (kath or 
kattha), which is the dried juice of a certain plant that 
grows in India. Smearing the betel leaf with a little of 
the kath, they chew them together, which makes the 
lips scarlet, and gives a pleasant scent. It happens 
with the eaters of betel, as to those accustomed to take 
tobacco, that they are unable to refrain from taking it 
many times a day. Thus the women of India, whose 
principal business it is to tell stories and eat betel, are 
unable to remain many minutes without having it in 
their mouths. 


It is an exceedingly common practice in India to 
offer betel leaf by way of politeness, chiefly among the 
great men, who, when anyone pays them a visit, offer 
betel at the time of leaving as a mark of goodwill, and 
of the estimation in which they hold the person who 
is visiting them. It would be a great piece of rudeness 
to refuse it. 

We remained for seventy-five days in that port i.e. 
Surat the revenues of which had been given by Shah 
Jahan to his daughter, Begom Saeb (Begam Sahib) to 
meet her expenditure on betel. During this time we 
were making our preparations for going on to the 
court of the Great Mogul. I was much gratified at 
seeing such plenty in this place, for I had never had 
such a satisfaction since (I left) my Venice, and felt 
proud at staying some days in this port, especially 
after the arrival of the French. During the time we 
stayed the English never ceased to offer a thousand 
civilities to milord, the ambassador. But his true 
friends told him not to trust them, for all they did 
was in order to get hold of him and carry him off 
to England. They did their very best once to per- 
suade the ambassador to go on board of an English 
vessel, then about to depart for England, under the 
pretext of offering him a banquet with all the state 
befitting his dignity. But the truth was that they 
wanted to confine him in the ship, and he most 
politely made excuses. Then we began to get to- 
gether our baggage, for which purpose the ambas- 
sador was in want of funds. Mestre Jonh (Henry 
Young) secretly offered to supply all that was re- 
quired, whether in money or in different sorts of 
goods, among the latter some fine broadcloth, a 
handsome clock, an Arab horse for a present to the 
king, with swords, pistols, matchlocks, and numerous 
playthings. We started from Surat bearing a pass- 
port given us by the governor, and in fifteen days 
we reached the town of Brampur (Burhanpur), where 


was the court of the Prince Aurangzeb, with whom 
we had much to discuss. We did not meet with him, 
by reason of his being at that time in Orangabad 

We found Brampur (Burhanpur) a town of medium 
size, and without a wall. Aurangzeb, in the year 
one thousand six hundred and seventy-six, being then 
absolute king, caused it to be enclosed by a bulwark 
and wall along the bank of the river which flows 
beneath it. This river is not very large, but its waters 
are clear and good. The town is much frequented 
by Persian and Armenian traders, on account of 
the many excellent kinds of cloth manufactured 
there, chiefly various sorts of women's head-dresses 
(toucd) and cloth for veils (beatilha), scarlet and white, 
of exceeding fineness ; also for the quantity of iron 
procured there. 

In this town there is plenty of fruit, such as 
ambah) or mangas (mango) the best fruit to be found 
in India oranges, limes, citrons, and grapes in abun- 
dance. There is also in this town, as throughout the 
kingdom of the Mogul, a large supply of vegetables 
of various sorts. On the road to this town we found 
every day different streams and brooks with good 
water ; also villages, shady and pleasant woods, 
peopled with many varieties of animals of the chase, 
such as harts, stags, gazelles, wild oxen (ores), pea- 
cocks, cooing doves, partridges, quail (cordernizcs), 
blackbirds (tordo), geese (patto\ ducks (ades), widgeon 
(marecas\ and many sorts of birds. 

1 would warn the reader never to stray far from 
his companions, because he might come across robbers 
in these woods. When they find any person apart 
from his company they rob him. I was very near 
falling into their hands, for, having gone some dis- 
tance from the rest of the caravan, I had got off my 
horse. I was about to shoot at a peacock with my 
matchlock, when all of a sudden there came out 
towards me two men with bows and arrows, who 


with signs and calls invited me to approach them. 
But I, apprehending what they wanted, went on my 
way in the direction the rest of the company had 
gone, never ceasing to have an eye upon those men. 
These, seeing me choose a different direction, placed 
arrows in their bows and, hastening their pace, came 
after me, trying to overtake me. Seeing that other- 
wise I could never escape them, I stopped and put 
my matchlock to my cheek as if I meant to fire. 
Frightened at my firmness, they placed their hands 
on their heads as a sign of politeness, and, turn- 
ing their backs, fled with even more agility than 
when they had followed me. I continued on my 
way in dread of a similar encounter, and thus I 
learnt nevermore to leave the rest of the travellers, 
and I put off my longing to go out shooting until 
we should reach some place or village. Then I 
went out to shoot, and without hindrance killed 
whatever I wished, there being no scarcity of things 
to kill. 

We delayed eight days in Burhanpur, then, re- 
suming our journey, we came in six days to a river 
called the Narbada, where there was a town called 
Andia (Handiyah); there was also on the bank of 
the above-named river a little fort, situated at the 
crossing-place. This river is a great breadth, and 
full of large stones. Its waters divide the lands of 
the Dacan (Dakhin) from those of Industan (Hindu- 
stan), which word means " Hindudom " (gentilidade, 
place of the heathen). 

We crossed the river, and after going eight days 
through jungle, we arrived at a large town called 
Seronge (Sironj), which in old days was founded by 
a Hindu prince, but at present the overlord thereof 
is the Grand Mogul. This town lies in the midst of 
the territories of several Hindu princes of the Rajput 
tribe. Of these the nearest and most powerful is the 
Rajah Champet Bondela (Champat Rae, Bundelah), 
whose country extends to twenty leagues from Agra 


(Agrah), and he has command over fifteen thousand 
horsemen, and three hundred thousand infantry. 

For the use of wayfarers there are throughout the 
realms of the Mogul on every route many " sarais " 
(sardes). They are like fortified places with their 
bastions and strong gates ; most of them are built 
of stone or of brick. In every one is an official whose 
duty it is to close the gates at the going down of the 
sun. After he has shut the gates he calls out that 
everyone must look after his belongings, picket his 
horses by their fore and hind legs, above all that he 
must look out for dogs, for the dogs of Hindustan 
are very cunning, and great thieves. I may find 
a good opportunity to speak of the cunning of 
these dogs. 

At six o'clock in the morning, before opening the 
gates, the watchman gives three warnings to the 
travellers, crying in a loud voice that everyone must 
look after his own things. After these warnings, if 
anyone suspects that any of his property is missing, 
the doors are not opened until the lost thing is found. 
By this means they make sure of having the thief, 
and he is strung up opposite the same. Thus the 
thieves when they hear a complaint made, drop the 
goods somewhere, so as not to be discovered. 

These sardes are only intended for travellers (soldiers 
do not go into them). Each one of them might hold, 
more or less, from 800 to 1,000 persons, with their 
horses, camels, carriages, and some of them are even 
larger. They contain different rooms, halls, verandahs, 
with trees inside the courtyard, and many provision- 
shops, also separate abodes for the women and men 
who arrange the rooms and the beds for the travellers. 
I will speak hereafter of the deceits of all these, 
when I come to talk of the Sultan Amayum (Hu- 

We halted four days in Sironj, and then went on 
our way across inaccessible mountains, with numer- 


ous beautiful trees, and traversed by crystal streams, 
whose waters are most wholesome, doing no harm 
to those who drink them fasting, rather they are 
beneficial, and most palatable. In six days we 
reached the town of Narvar (Narwar), which lies 
at the foot of a great range of hills six leagues in 
circumference. On the very highest point of these 
hills is a fortress, which occupies all the level ground 
on the summit, with a circumference of two miles a 
little more or less with many houses and rooms ; 
a work made long ago by the Hindus. But in the 
course of years, and by the inclemency of the weather, 
the walls are crumbling away through the negligence 
of the Mogul king. His object is to destroy all the 
strong places of the Hindus of which he can get 
possession, so that their conquered princes may not 
rebel against him. His only anxiety is to fortify 
and supply the forts that are on the frontiers of his 

We did not halt at this place, but pressed onwards. 
In five days we arrived at the well-known fortress 
of Gualior (GwaliySr), where it is usual for the Mogul 
to keep as prisoners princes and men of rank. This 
fortress is on the top of a great mountain having 
a circuit of three leagues. It is in the middle of a 
fertile plain, and thus there is no other high ground 
from which it could be attacked. 

There is only a single road to ascend it, walled in 
on both sides, and having many gates to bar the way, 
each having its guard and sentinels. The rest of the 
hill is of rock, perpendicular as a wall, though made 
by Nature. All around this mountain are to be seen 
many balconies, lanterns (? kiosks), rooms and veran- 
dahs in different styles of architecture, with Hindu 
sculptures all of this making the view most agreeable 
and pleasant to the visitor. 

On the crest of the mountain is a great plain, on 
which are sumptuous palaces with many balconies 
and windows of various kinds of stone, and delightful 


gardens irrigated from many crystal springs, where 
cypress and other lovely trees raise their heads aloft, 
so as to be visible from a distance. Within this 
fortress is manufactured much oil of jasmine, the 
best to be found in the kingdom, the whole of the 
level ground on the summit being covered with that 
shrub. There are also in this district many iron- 
mines, of which numerous articles are made and 
sent to the principal cities in the Mogul country. 

In the town, which lies at the foot of the hill, there 
dwell many musicians, who gain a livelihood with 
their instruments, and many persons maintain that 
it was on this mountain that the god Apollo first 
started Hindu music. 

Continuing our route, we came in three days to the 
river called the Chambal, at which is the town named 
Dolpur (Dholpur), where Arangzeb gave battle against 
his brother Dara (Dara Shukoh), in the year one 
thousand six hundred and fifty-six (correctly 1658), 
at which I was present, and to which, farther on, 
I shall refer. Thence in four days we arrived at the 
city of Agrah, having ended by doing four hundred 
and sixt}^ leagues, for such is the number reckoned 
from Surat as far as Agrah. At this place the governor 
assigned to us a handsome house to stay in. 

We remained in this city, of which 1 will speak on 
a future occasion, and, a few days after our arrival, 
the Englishmen who at that time were present at 
their factory came to visit the ambassador, showing 
themselves desirous of being useful to him, making 
him frequent and handsome offers. But these the 
ambassador would in no way accept. After several 
visits they invited him to their house, where they 
gave him a splendid feast, with dressed meats and 
beverages after their style. The ambassador com- 
plained very much of the great heat that has to be 
endured in that country, and the English offered him 
a powder, declaring that if he mixed it and drank it 
he would experience great relief and coolness. 


When a few days had passed we resumed our route 
for Dely (Dihll), where at that moment the king, 
Shahjahan, was living. Then, after three days from 
our leaving Agrah, towards the evening, when in 
sight of the place where we meant to halt for that 
night, the ambassador called out to me in great pain, 
asking me for water. Then he expired without al- 
lowing me time to give it to him, those being the last 
words that he uttered. He died on the twentieth 
of June of one thousand six hundred and fifty-three 
(correctly 1656), at five o'clock in the evening. We 
carried the body at once to a sarae called Orel (Hodal), 
between Agrah and Dihll, and, it being already late, 
we did not bury him that night. The official at the 
sarae sent notice to the local judicial officer, who 
hastened to the spot, and, putting his seal on all the 
baggage, laid an embargo upon it. I asked him why 
he seized and sealed up those goods. He answered 
me that it was the custom of that realm, and that he 
could not release the things until an order came from 
court, they being the property of an ambassador. 

After seven hours of the night had passed we 
removed the body of the defunct from the palanquin 
in order to enshroud it, and, as day began to dawn, 
we proceeded to lay him in the grave. Taking him 
by the arms I tried to lift him, but, while in my hands, 
a blister burst, from which exhaled such a fetid odour 
that all those standing by nearly fainted and fell 
down. We were forced to cease to lift him, and await 
the day. When day arose we somehow or other put 
him into a coffin, with all the haste that the odour 
compelled, and interred him on the bank of a re- 
servoir which adjoined the town, marking the spot 
so that his bones might be transported elsewhere, 
as accorded with the rank of such a person. And 
as a fact they removed the remains after fifteen months 
to the city of Agra (Agrah). 

Having interred the ambassador, the servants all 
disappeared, and I was left alone, sad and anxious, 


having nothing to console me, nor anywhere to turn 
in order to recover my things, which had been sealed 
up by the official along with the ambassador's, al- 
though all the keys were in my possession. 

After we had buried the ambassador I wrote to 
the English factory at Agrah, informing them of his 
death, and of the embargo imposed by the local 
officials on his property as well as mine, wherefore 
I prayed them to send me the necessary recommenda- 
tory letters. I received no answer; but eight days 
afterwards two Englishmen appeared, one called 
Thomas Roch (?T. Roach), and the other Raben 
Simitt (? Reuben Smith), dressed after the fashion and 
costume of the country, men in the service of the 
King Shahjahan, and captains of the bombardiers in 
the royal artillery. 

They came to visit me, and when I saw them I 
asked what they had come about. They informed 
me that they had come under the king's orders to 
carry away the property of the ambassador, which 
lapsed to the crown. To that I retorted by asking 
if they bore any order, whereupon they laughed, and 
asked who I might be. I told them I was the servant 
of the ambassador, that the property in question had 
been made over to me, that I did not mean to let it 
go without their delivering to me my belongings 
that is, two muskets, four pistols, clothes, and other 
trinkets, which had been set apart Their answer 
was that the whole belonged to the king, and without 
another word they went to find those who had put 
on the seals, and obtaining their consent made them- 
selves masters of everything, arranging to remove 
the whole to the city of Dihli. 

I did not mean to abandon the property, and re- 
solved to set out in their company. On the road 
they showed me not the least little sign of civility, 
such as Europeans, even of different nations, are 
accustomed to display in all parts of Asia when they 
come across each other. Many a time did I entreat 


them for God's sake to make over to me what was 
mine; but as they saw I was only a youth they 
scoffed at me, and said : " Shut your mouth ; if you 
say a word we will take your horse and your arms 
away." Seeing there was no other way out of it, I 
dissembled for the time being, but never despaired 
of getting back what belonged to me. 

After three days' journey we arrived at Dihli, where 
the Englishmen deposited the property in a same, 
put seals on the room doors, and told me to go about 
my business. Then I began to make request that 
they would be so good as to separate my property 
from that of the ambassador, and make it over to me, 
for it did not belong to the king. They burst out 
laughing and mocked me, giving me the customary 
answer. As I took my leave I prayed them to do 
me the favour of telling me their names, so that if 
anyone called me to account about that property I 
should be able to defend myself by pointing out the 
persons who had taken possession of it. I expressed 
my astonishment that they should lock up in a sarde 
room property that they said belonged to the king. 
I asked them angrily whether the king had no other 
place in which to store the goods he owned ; but they 
knew quite well that the property did not belong to 
them, and that they were taking the king's name in 
vain, solely in order that they might get hold of other 
people's goods. They replied that there was no need 
to know their names. As for my second remark they 
only set to laughing, and thus went away in apparent 
triumph, not foreseeing what was to happen to them. 

I retired to a room in the same sarde, not far from 
the one where the property was. Then I found out 
the names of those two Englishmen, so as to be able 
to take my own measures. Being anxious to know 
what was going on, there turned up on a visit to me 
a Frenchman, called Clodio Malier, a founder em- 
ployed in the artillery of Dara, first-born son of Shah- 
jahan. With him I talked over what had happened 


to me with those two Englishmen, and said again that 
it did not seem to me possible that so great a monarch 
as the Mogul king should possess no other place to 
store the goods that belonged to him than a mere 
same, where travellers took up their quarters. The 
Frenchman assured me that the Englishmen had not 
seized the goods by order of the king, but that Thomas 
Roach, learning of the ambassador's death, had sent 
in a petition to the prince Dara, by whom he was 
favoured, in the following terms : " A man of my 
country, a relation of mine, came from Europe, his 
purpose being to obtain the honour of serving under 
your highness, but his good fortune was of such little 
duration and so scanty that he was unable to obtain 
his desire, being overtaken by death on reaching the 
same of Hodal, whereupon those who govern in that 
place laid an embargo upon his goods. Therefore I 
pray as a favour that your highness be pleased to issue 
orders for their delivery to me." 

The prince dealt with this petition as Thomas Roach 
hoped, but Raben Semitt (Reuben Smith), getting 
word of what Thomas Roach was about, held it not 
to be right that he should acquire the whole of the 
ambassador's property, that it must be divided between 
the two of them. Thus he (R. Smith) accompanied 
him (T. Roach) as far as Hodal. Should he not 
consent to a division, he (R. Smith) threatened to tell 
the whole story to the king. Thomas Roach accepted 
the situation, so as not to lose the whole. This was 
the story told me by Clodio Malier, who bade me 
adieu with much civility and many offers of service. 
Being thus informed of what was going on, and con- 
fiding in my knowledge of the Turkish, but more 
especially of the Persian language, which is that 
chiefly used and most current at the court of the 
Mogul, I resolved to go to the secretary of the king, 
whose name was Vizircan (Wazir Khan) to lodge a 
complaint. For this purpose I went to his house, and, 
obtaining permission to enter, I reported to him what 


was going on. He directed me to sit down opposite 
to him, alongside one of his sons, who was of my 

The secretary asked me if I knew the accustomed 
mode of making obeisance before the king by those 
who enter his presence. I answered that I did. As 
he displayed a desire to see me do this, I arose, stood 
quite erect, and, bending my body very low until my 
head was quite close to the ground, I placed my right 
hand with its back to the ground, then raising it, 
put it on my head, and stood up straight. This cere- 
monial I repeated three times, and this is done to the 
king only. The secretary was delighted to see a 
foreigner, young in years and newly arrived in the 
city, make his obeisances so confidently. I was dressed 
like a Turk, with a turban of red velvet bound with 
a blue ribbon, and dressed in satin of the same colour ; 
also a waist-cloth of gold-flowered pattern with a red 
ground. He was amused to see me got up like this, 
and asked the reason for adopting such a costume, 
and why I did not adopt the Mogul fashions, where- 
upon I acquainted him of the journey that I had made 
and the countries through which I had passed. 

During this time a notice reached him that the 
king had decided to hold an audience that morning. 
Then, rising at once, he took me with him to the 
palace, telling me that it was requisite for me to go 
with him before the king. 

He warned me that, when I came into the king's 
presence, I must perform the same obeisances that I 
had practised before him. When we got to the 
palace the king had already taken his seat on the 
throne. The secretary directed two men to present 
me to the king, while he (the secretary) should be 
talking to him. Accordingly they did present me, 
ordering me to appear in front of the king at a 
distance of fifty paces, waiting until he should take 
notice of me before I made my obeisance. 

I had noticed that, when the secretary reached the 


place where is the railing, he made one bow, such as 
I had done at his house ; then, when close to the 
throne, he made three bows ; and, approaching still 
nearer, he began to speak to the king. After a few 
words he raised his hand towards where I was, as if 
pointing me out. The king raised his eyes towards 
me, then the courtiers with me told me to make my 
obeisances, which I did. The secretary went on with 
his conversation, which I could not overhear by reason 
of the distance at which I was. All those who were 
present before the king were standing ; only one man 
was seated at the side of the throne, but his seat was 
lower, and this was the Prince Dara, the king's son. 

I noted that the throne on which the king, Shahjahan, 
was seated stood in front of, and near to, the palace 
of the women, so that as soon as he came out of its 
door he reached the throne. It is like a table, adorned 
with all sorts of precious stones and flowers, in 
enamel and gold. There are three cushions a large 
one, five spans in diameter, and circular, which serves 
as a support to the back, and two other square ones, 
one on each side ; also a most lovely mattress : for in 
Turkey, and throughout the whole of Hindustan, they 
do not sit upon chairs, but upon carpets or mattresses, 
with their legs crossed. Around the throne, at the 
distance of one pace, are railings of gold, of the height 
of one cubit, within which no one enters except the 
king's sons. Before they enter they come and, facing 
the king, go through their obeisance, then enter the 
palace and come out by the same door from which the 
king issued. Arriving there, they again make obeis- 
ance, and upon a sign from the king they take their 
seat in the same enclosure, but at the foot of, and 
on one side of, the throne. Thereupon the pages 
appear with the umbrella, parasol, betel, spittoon, 
sw r ord, and fly-brusher. 

Below the throne, several feet lower than it, a space 
is left, sufficient for the secretary (? zvaztr) and the 
greatest officials of the court. This space is sur- 


rounded by a silver railing. Near it stand " grusber- 
dares " (gurz-barddrs) that is to say, the bearers of 
golden maces, whose duty it is to carry orders from 
the court to princes of the blood royal. After a 
descent of a few more steps there is another space 
of greater size, where are the captains and other 
officials, also the " grusberdares " (gurz-bardars) with 
silver maces, who convey the orders of the court to 
the governors, generals, and other princes. These 
are placed with their backs to a railing of wood painted 
vermilion, which surrounds the space. 

The hall in which stood the royal seat is adorned 
with twenty highly decorated pillars, which support 
the roof. This roof stretches far enough to cover the 
spaces enclosed within the silver railing, and is hidden 
half-way by an awning of brocade. Further, a canopy 
over the king's throne is upheld by four golden 

Outside the wooden railing is a great square, where, 
close to the railing, stand nine horses on one side and 
nine on the other, all saddled and equipped. Near 
to the pillars are brought certain elephants on every 
day that the king gives audience, and there they make 
their obeisance, as I shall describe when I speak of 
the elephants. Behind the horses already spoken of 
were four handsomely adorned elephants, and in the 
square a considerable number of soldiers stand on 
guard. At the end was a great hall, where were 
stationed the players on instruments, and these, upon 
the king's appearing to give audience, played very 
loudly, to give notice that the king was already in the 
audience hall. 

The silence preserved was astonishing, and the 
order devoid of confusion. For this purpose there 
are officials, whose business it is to see that the 
people are placed in proper order. Some of these 
officials held gold sticks in their hands, and these 
came within the silver railing. The others carried 
silver sticks, and they took great heed that throughout 


the court nothing was done which could displease 
the king. 

After 1 had received my permission to go I left 
in the company of the two courtiers, and returned 
to the sarae. There I showed them where I had 
put up, and the room in which was the property. 
Thereupon they broke the seals, and brought out 
all the things, and carried them away. 

The next day, about nine o'clock in the morning, 
there came two servants of the secretary (wazir) to 
fetch me. They took me to his palace, where I found 
him seated in the same hall where I had spoken to 
him the day before. As I came in I observed that 
the ambassador's property was lying there. I made 
the usual obeisance to the secretary (wazir). Then 
with a pleasant look on his face he asked me if I 
identified the two thieves, pointing with his hand 
to one corner of the hall. Noticing this, I turned my 
face that way, and saw the two English impostors, 
loaded with iron, fetters on their feet and shackles 
on their necks, and very much ashamed, being afraid 
that they would be decapitated. 

Turning again to the secretary, I craved leave to 
speak to them, and going near to them I said : " It 
would have been more honest to let me have the 
little that was mine, but then you wanted to acquire 
more than was yours ; you suffer through your excess 
of greed, and in your desire to embrace all you are 
left with nothing. You laughed, you scoffed, and had 
no tenderness for me, and now I sorrow for love of 
you, and feel compassion for the miserable condition 
in which I see you. You may make certain that I 
shall not fail to deal towards you with more charity 
and consideration than you showed me on the road 
from Hodal." 

Returning to the secretary (wazir), he told me to 
look at the things, and inform him whether any article 
was missing, for the prisoners would have to pay 
for anything deficient. 1 examined the property in 


his presence, and ascertained that it was complete. 
Since my things had been separated and were kept 
apart I prayed him as a favour to issue orders that 
they should be returned to me. In addition, most 
of the ambassador's goods belonged to an English 
trader, named Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young), dwelling in 
Surat, from whom the ambassador had obtained them, 
promising to repay him afterwards. 

The secretary (wazir) told me to sit down beside 
his son, who was in front of him ; he said he would 
give me many things, and making me great promises 
said to me that if I consented to remain in his house 
he would treat me like a son. In case I did not agree 
he did not mean to give me anything. My answer 
was that I could not live in his house, that I cared 
very little about the loss of my own things, but should 
grieve a very great deal if he did not give to Mestre 
Jonh (Mr. Young) those that were his. 

Upon this the secretary (wazir) asked me minutely 
which were the ambassador's and which Mestre Jonh's 
(Mr. Young's) things. I pointed them all out in detail, 
one of the secretary's clerks taking the whole down 
in writing. I told him that besides these goods 
Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young) had lent the ambassador 
the sum of four thousand patacas (about 800), and 
an Arab horse, already in the secretary's (wazirs) 
possession. Finally I begged leave to return to my 
abode, and he, in sending me off, directed me to 
return in two days to speak to him in the same place. 

Accordingly this I did, and he said to me that he 
had spoken to the king, who ordered that the property 
should be sent to the Governor of Surat for the pur- 
pose of being made over to Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young), 
with the exception of the Arab horse, which the king 
kept for himself, giving an order to pay to the said 
Jonh (Young) one thousand patacas, the price at which 
it had been valued. He took nothing else but the 
letter which was destined for him. 

After this I made a fresh application to the secre- 


tary (wazir) that he would order my property to be 
given to me ; but his answer was that the whole 
must go to Surat, and be made over to Mestre Jonh 
(Mr. Young), who, if he liked, might give them to me. 
Thus he was unable to dispose in any way of this 
property. But if 1 consented to live with him he 
would give me a great deal more, and repeated that 
he would cherish me as his son, and many other 
promises. For all these words and the kindness he 
had displayed I gave him thanks over and over again ; 
but as for living with him that could never be. It 
was not right for me to do so, being a Christian. The 
secretary (wazir) cut short my speech, and, losing his 
temper, said angrily : " You do not know that you are 
the king's slave." 

Hearing these words I rose to my feet, and an- 
swered that Europeans were not and never would 
be slaves of anyone, and in great haste I left the hall, 
resolved to give my life rather than live in his house. 
Coming out at the door, I vaulted lightly on to my 
horse, and took my way somewhat hurriedly, dreading 
lest the secretary (wazir) might send someone after 
me to attack me. Then my groom warned me that 
two foot soldiers were hurrying after us, trying to 
overtake us. Then I turned my horse round, and, 
putting my hand on my cutlass, set off to face them. 
I asked what they wanted. They made me a bow, 
and answered that the secretary (wazir) sent me 
ten gold rupees for the purchase of betel. I took 
them, and went on my way. I was determined 
to return to Surat that I might find myself among 

At this time I met Clodio Malier, who carried me 
off to his house, and there I told him of my resolve. 
He did not approve. Then by his arguments he suc- 
ceeded in persuading me. Having got as far as the 
court, what was the good of leaving it again without 
first seeing what there was there, so that I might 
report on the riches and greatness of the kings of 


the Mogul, exceeding the riches of other kings (as 
may be seen in the course of this my book)? 

As I was a youth carried away by curiosity, but 
still more by the friendship shown to me by Clodio, 
and reflecting that I had already in him one friend 
who could do me some good in this kingdom, and 
be of help to me in some affair, I determined to remain 
where I was. 

After three days had elapsed, Clodio Malier was 
sent for to the palace of Prince Dara, who inquired 
if he knew of the arrival of a European youth, who 
had come with the ambassador of England, and a 
few days before had appeared in the king's presence 
to make a complaint of injuries done by a captain 
of artillery and other Englishmen. Clodio answered 
that he knew me well, that, seeing me unprotected, 
he had taken me into his house, adding that I was 
a youth of quality. He wished that, before allowing 
me to leave the Mogul kingdom, I should see some- 
thing of the king's and princes' riches, so that on my 
return to Europe I might declare the wealth and 
grandeur of the Moguls. 

Thereupon the prince said to him that he wanted 
to speak to me, and thus he must not fail to find 
a way to bring me to his presence. When Clodio 
Malier came home, he said to me at once, with a 
joyous countenance, that I had already captured good 
fortune, for the eldest prince, a generous man and 
friendly to Europeans, had shown himself interested 
about me and wanted to speak to me. 

I rejoiced at this good news, knowing that the 
Europeans who served this prince had a good life of 
it, and received adequate pay. Thus I, too, was 
desirous of obtaining some employment at his court. 
I made up my mind for that reason not to put off 
my visit, and I asked Clodio if we should have to 
wait long before complying with the prince's desire. 
My friendly shelterer replied to me that it was not 
wise to delay, otherwise we might lose the favourable 


opportunity. For the resolves of the great were like 
birds : if the bird-lime stuck to them they were easily 
caught, but if once they flew away it was very hard 
to lay hold of them a second time. 

For these reasons we started the very same day, 
and repaired to the court of the above-named prince. 
As soon as he was informed of our arrival, he gave 
the order to allow us to enter. When I reached his 
presence, and had made the usual obeisances, he asked 
me if I could speak Persian, and put some other ques- 
tions with a pleased and friendly expression on his face. 
He was delighted at seeing a youth of not more 
than eighteen years, and a foreigner, with such 
quick-wittedness that he had learned to make the 
proper obeisance without any shyness. Then I 
answered the questions, showing myself acquainted 
with Turkey and Persia and other important matters. 
The whole of my replies were in Persian, by which 
1 proved to the prince that I could speak sufficiently 
well the language about which he had asked me. 

At the conclusion of the above talk he directed that 
the ambassador's letter be given to me. It had already 
been opened ; and I was directed to translate it into 
Persian. The letter was in Latin, written in letters 
of gold, and it differed but little from the letter 
presented to the King of Persia. Being thus alread} T 
acquainted with the business, 1 had little difficulty in 
translating it. Next the prince asked what the letter 
was written on, for it seemed to him like a skin and 
not paper. I answered that it was of vellum skin, 
and it was the usage of European kings, when for- 
warding letters to far-off kingdoms, to have the more 
important matters written on vellum skin, in order that 
they might be better protected against the inclemencies 
of the weather and of the journey than they would 
be if they were on paper. 

At the end of this conversation Dara asked me if 
I wished to remain for a time in the Mogul country, 
to which I replied affirmatively. He said to me with 


a smile on his face : " Would you like to enter my 
service?" As this was the very question and none 
other that 1 was hoping for, I replied that I should 
have put to very good use the weariness and 
fatigues of my journey if I had the good fortune to 
serve under so famous a prince. 

He then directed that every month they should give 
me eighty rupees of pay, a sum equal to forty patacas. 
He ordered them to deliver to me at once, in his 
presence, a serpao (sarapa), and thirty rupees and a 
good horse. He put me in charge of one of his 
trusted eunuchs, called Coja Mosquis (Khwajah Miskin), 
with instructions to look after the little European and 
see that he was well trained and educated. I returned 
thanks to the prince, and seeing how well Dara was 
inclined towards me, I prayed leave to entreat another 
favour that is to say, the liberty of the two English 
prisoners; and through the mediation of the prince, 
they were released in a few days by order of the king. 

I came out from the prince's presence. Although 
Dara desired that Khwajah Miskin should teach me 
the court ceremonial in order to turn me into a 
courtier, I took means to prevent my being made 
into a Mahomedan. So I did not go to seek out 
the said Khwajah Miskin, but kept in the company 
of the Europeans. Some of these were surgeons, but 
the greater number artillerymen in the Mogul service, 
an honourable employment. For European artillery- 
men who took service in that branch had only to take 
aim ; as for the rest the fatigue of raising, lowering) 
loading, and firing this was the business of artificers 
"or labourers kept for the purpose. However, when 
Aurangzeb came to the throne, he, seeing the insolent 
behaviour and the drunkenness of such-like men, de- 
prived them of all their privileges, except that of 
distilling spirits, and forced them to do sentry duty 
like other soldiers, thus leaving them with no esti- 
mation or reputation in the army. But the old plan 
continued in force up to the evacuation of the fortress 


of Bacar (Bhakkar) and the beheadal of Prince Dara, 
as farther on I shall relate. 

For some time I dwelt in the house of Clodio, and 
when I had acquired the means I hired a separate 
house. Then came a man to me who said that he 
would put me in the way of gaining money. I inquired 
from him what it was he wanted. He told me he 
wanted nothing beyond permission to distil spirits 
under my protection and close to my house. He 
would give me ten rupees every day ; thus I should 
be put to no expense ; all I had to do was to assert 
that he was my servant. I agreed to the bargain, and 
out of regard for me no one said a word to him, for 
the Europeans in the service of Dara had this pri- 
vilege of distilling spirits and selling them without 

Finding myself with sufficient pay, and in good 
condition, I wrote to Mestre Jonh (Henry Young) at 
Surat, giving him notice of the king's orders how 
he had ordered all the ambassador's property to be 
placed in the hands of the Governor of Surat, with 
directions to make it over to him. After some 
months he replied that he had then received delivery 
of everything. 

When I left Venice I already knew sufficiently how 
to speak the Italian language, and, in addition, a little 
French. During this journey I learnt the Turkish 
and Persian languages. Finding myself established 
in India, 1 now set to work to learn the Indian tongue. 
Furthermore, as I was desirous of knowing about 
matters in the Mogul kingdom, I found an aged man 
of letters, who offered to read to me the " Royal 
Chronicles of the Mogul kings and princes." There- 
fore I am of opinion that the reader will be glad to listen 
to me, seeing that I have special information. I will 
speak of all the Mogul kings in my second book, which 
will close with the death of Aurangzeb's brothers, and 
therein will be seen what happened to me. 

[Not long after entering Dara's service, Manucci had 


to follow his master to the wars. King Shahjahan 
fell ill, and at the news of his illness three of his 
sons, Shah Shuja', Murad Bakhsh, and Aurangzeb 
made preparations to seize the throne by force. Un- 
able to take the field himself, Shahjahan deputed Dara 
to take his place.] 

Finding himself in bodily weakness and desirous 
of pleasing Dara, he transferred to him all his powers 
and dignities, and ordered everyone to yield him 
obedience. He wanted to try if, by this means, he 
could rid himself of all the ills from which he suffered, 
including the danger in which he stood of being 
captured by Aurangzeb, and dispossessed of his 

Some authors, recording what they have been told, 
say that Dara seized his father and divested him of 
power by force ; but I assert this to be a great 
untruth, for I know, and have tested it that Dara was 
quite submissive. He did nothing without communi- 
cating it to his father. I might produce several 
proofs of what I say ; but I will ask the reader to do 
me the favour of recollecting what I have said as to 
the letters written by Muhammad Amin Khan and 
Shaistah Khan. On account of these Dara wanted 
to have them decapitated, yet they were liberated by 
the order of Shahjahan. If Dara had, as others write, 
taken possession of his father and of his authority, 
he would have exercised this absolute power to order 
their heads to be cut off, as justice required. 

Another case I will bring forward in proof of what 
I say. A few days before we took the field against 
Aurangzeb, the police seized a Genoese youth for 
having in his possession a bottle of wine, a thing not 
prohibited for Europeans. In order to petition for 
his release I went off to the magistrate, who at once 
placed me alongside the youth. I made a sign to my 
servant, who rushed off to tell my friends artillery- 
men in Prince Dara's service. These men came in 
a body, all of them armed, and, breaking down 


the doors of the prison, liberated us. The soldiers 
ran from the police-office, leaving the magistrate 
by himself in a state of astonishment at what was 
going on. Being aggrieved as I was, I thereupon 
went up to the magistrate and put a pistol to his 
breast ; I did not slay him, but took compassion upon 
him on his humbling of himself. This affair was 
brought before Shahjahan, who complained to Dara 
of what his artillerymen had done. To satisfy the 
king, Dara ordered the captain of artillery to ad- 
minister a reproof to the Genoese. We all went in 
a body to the captain to lodge a complaint against the 
magistrate for the disgrace done to us, the king having 
accorded us the right to drink wine. Now, if Dara 
had been as others say, no one would have had the 
audacity to displease his employes, nor to complain 
of them to Shahjahan. 

On finding that the King Shahjahan had delivered 
himself with all his authority and his army into the 
hands of Prince Dara, everybody seized their weapons ; 
there was great uproar, each man acting on his own 
inclination. More than one hundred thousand horse- 
men assembled, and more than twenty thousand 
infantry. There were one hundred pieces of field 
artillery, every one of them carrying shot of from eight 
to twelve pounds ; in addition, there was a twenty- 
pounder culverin, and over two hundred European 
artillerymen. There were no want of subordinates, 
of shopkeepers who furnish supplies for the susten- 
ance of the whole realm and army, a large number 
of sarrafos (sarrdf), who provide the cash required by 
the whole army ; many majestic and well-armoured 
elephants, and five hundred camels. On each of the 
latter was a man seated atop with a swivel-gun, 
carrying a ball of from three to four ounces, which he 
loaded and fired without dismounting. There were 
also five hundred elephants with their howdahs, and 
in these sat two men with two guns like those upon 
the camels. 


After all these preparations we issued from the 
city of Agrah on the I4th of May, one thousand six 
hundred and fifty-six (correctly 1658). When on the 
march we covered the ground as far as the horizon, 
making a brave and splendid show. What disconcerted 
me was that no one would say that Dara was sure 
of gaining the battle with all this grand array. 

The greater number of the soldiers that Dara had 
newly enlisted were not very warlike ; they were 
butchers, barbers, blacksmiths, carpenters, tailors, and 
such-like. It is true that on their horses and with 
their arms they looked well at a review ; but they had 
no heart, and knew nothing of war. If only Sulaiman 
Shukoh had arrived in time, there would have been 
no need of men like these, nor of Khalilullah Khan. 
The wife of the latter had warned Dara to put no 
reliance on her husband, nor trust to his soft speeches, 
for she knew him well, and, given the occasion, he 
would invariably engineer some treachery. Nor should 
he rely upon the thirty thousand Mogul troopers in his 
father's service. 

Shahjahan earnestly desired that Dara should not 
offer battle until Sulaiman Shukoh had arrived. But 
Dara's two brothers and enemies came on with such 
haste that they left him no chance of delaying. I have 
been assured that Aurangzeb professed such determi- 
nation as to say that, if Taimur-i-lang and all his 
descendants came against him, on no account would 
it be fitting for him to retreat. He was resolved to 
give battle, putting his faith in the traitors to be found 
in Dara's camp. 

When placed in the field, our army was so well 
distributed that it looked like a lovely city adorned 
with beautiful tents, flying innumerable flags of all 
colours and different shapes, each tent having its own 
flag and device so that it might be recognised. The 
prince Dara went to take leave of the king, his father, 
and of Begam Sahib, his sister, who at that time were 
living in the fort of Agrah. On beholding the son 


and brother so well beloved, they melted into floods 
of tears. The king began to speak, and thus addressed 
Dara : 

" My loved and cherished son ! I have always been 
well inclined towards you as being my first-born son 
and full of good qualities above all of the quality of 
obedience, which you have always displayed towards 
me. Your father hoped to see you become king 
peacefully, but none can fathom the secrets of the 
Lord Most High. My desire was to leave you in this 
fortress, and go forth myself against those rebels 
Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh, unworthy of the name 
of my sons or of your brothers. I had hoped to 
chastise the rebels and traitors who take the side of 
my enemies; but you have had compassion on my 
years and infirmities, and mean to expose your life for 
the peace of the kingdom, the freedom and the safety 
of your father. Not to dishearten you, I consent to 
your doing as you wish, but entreat you, my beloved 
son, to avoid a battle until the arrival of Sultan 
Sulaiman Shukoh your son. You will thus increase 
your chance of victory. I beg of you to curb your 
ardour. Being incapable of doing more, I pray that 
your life may be spared and that you may survive to 
become Emperor of all Hindustan, and that our 
enemies may be slain. I place you in the hands of 
God, in whom we trust to give us the victory and 
make us triumph over rebels and traitors." 

Having bade farewell to his father, Dara soon ap- 
peared in the army ; but the march could not be 
undertaken that day. Some of the war materiel was 
still wanting, nor did the astrologers judge the hour 
auspicious for a start. On the third day this huge 
army began its march. When Dara was about to 
mount his magnificent elephant Fatejang (Path Jang) 
that is to say "Victor in War" he said these 
words : " Guerrib maf, magrur marg " (Gharib mu*af, 
maghrur marg) that is to say : " To the humble par- 
don, to the haughty death." The generals then present 


replied simultaneously " Hixa Alia" (Inshallah) that 
is to say : " By the favour of God." 

We began the march in such great order that it 
seemed as if the sea and land were united. Prince 
Dara amidst his squadron appeared like a crystal 
tower, resplendent as a sun shining over all the land. 
Around him rode many squadrons of Rajput cavalry 
whose armour glittered from afar, and their lance 
heads with a tremulous motion sent forth rays of 
light. There were other squadrons of calvary armed 
with lances, in front of whom went many ferocious 
elephants clad in shining steel with chains on their 
trunks, their tusks encrusted with gold and silver, and 
broad cutlasses affixed thereto by rings. In advance 
was one with a handsome flag, and the driver, who 
guided the elephant, was armed with armes blanches 
(sword and shield). 

A marvellous thing was it to behold the march, 
which moved over the heights and through the vales 
like the waves of a stormy sea. Thus we held on our 
way for four days, until we reached the bank of the 
River Chambal, where was a village called Dolpur 
(Dholpur). Our powerful army took up position on 
this ground, and entrenched the crossing, placing its 
pieces of artillery to cover the most exposed points. 

We awaited the enemy, who was already near ; he 
appeared afar off after three days. Being fully pre- 
pared, and in every way desirous of finding ourselves 
engaged in battle, we begged for leave to attack the 
enemy. But Dara for two reasons would not consent. 
The first was that he was waiting for Sultan Sulaiman 
Shukoh and his force, who could not be very long in 
coming ; even if they were delayed, he was sure the 
enemy would never risk a crossing at this place, which 
was well occupied and fortified. The second reason 
was the inadvisability of attacking the enemy in a 
situation full of hollows and rocks, and altogether a 
dangerous place. 

At this time Aurangzeb persisted in his usual 


stratagems and intrigues. After having encamped his 
army on the farther side, not far from the river, he 
called together his generals. He said to them that 
they must be prepared to deliver battle, and be every 
one ready with his force of cavalry. In making haste 
lay their chance of victory, and, full of confidence in 
their courage, he hoped in a brief space to be victori- 
ous. They could not postpone the battle, seeing the 
danger of Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh's arrival. A report 
of the above speech reached the army of Dara, and 
was received with pleasure. Everybody made his 
preparations with the greatest eagerness, and expected 
every day that the enemy would come to attack us. 

But Aurangzeb's secret plan was to win over Rajah 
Champet (Champat), to whom he sent valuable pre- 
sents, proposing for him high rewards and making 
him liberal offers. He asked the rajah to allow him to 
pass through his territories in order to get across the 
river by another unknown ford, situated twelve leagues 
from us. These demands were conceded by Rajah 
Champat, hoping to avenge himself on Shahjahan for 
the acts I have already told you of. Gained over by 
entreaties, and all unwitting of the misfortune that he 
had to undergo, the rajah accompanied Aurangzeb. 
The route was so difficult, the march so impeded by 
jungle and uneven ground, that Aurangzeb was un- 
able to take with him the whole of his forces. He 
left his tents standing, and some of his men behind, 
by way of formality in order to conceal his design the 
more effectually. He crossed the river (as I was told) 
with over eight thousand horsemen, and though they 
were all much fatigued, he made himself master of the 
crossing on the thirtieth of May, 1656 (i.e. 1658). 

This day was as full of joy for Aurangzeb as it was 
full of sadness for Dara. The latter, receiving a 
report of the carrying out of the above design, fell 
into a great rage with Champat, who had given his 
word that in no case would he allow Aurangzeb to 
cross, and it was for this reason that Dara had not 


blocked the ford in question. When the news came 
that Aurangzeb had actually crossed, Dara was 
desirous of moving personally in pursuit of him. 

He was, however, well advised by the General 
Hebraim Can (Ibrahim Khan), son of Alimerda Can 
('All Mardan Khan), to send instead, with the greatest 
expedition, twelve thousand horsemen to fall suddenly 
upon Aurangzeb and his soldiers, who were much 
fatigued, very scattered, and lying about on the river 
bank. But the traitor Khaltlullah Khan, having heard 
that Dara had decided to make this attempt, came to 
him and said that it was inadvisable, it would not add 
to his credit or reputation. For, of a certainty, the 
name and fame of any victory would accrue to the 
commander, and not to his Highness. He ought not 
to listen to the advice of these boys, quite inexperi- 
enced in war, and it was a mistake to detach those 
twelve thousand cavalry from his division, for by so 
doing the victory which was now a certainty would 
become doubtful. The following day we marched in 
pursuit of Aurangzeb, but it was already too late. 
For during the night, and very early on the following 
morning, almost the whole remaining army of Aurang- 
zeb came up, and, quitting the river, we arrived in an 
extensive plain. 

It was the ist of June of one thousand six hundred 
and fifty-six (i.e. 1658). We made use with great labour 
of the water in the ponds in the open fields, and the heat 
was stifling. Between the two armies there was not 
more than a league and a halfs distance. During the 
time we were taking up ground for our army, the rest 
of Aurangzeb's force continued to join his ranks, but 
the whole of his artillery and baggage had not arrived. 
Having detailed information of everything in Aurang- 
zeb's force, and knowing his men were exhausted, 
Dara wanted to commence the action. But the 
traitors intervened on astrological grounds by saying 
that neither the day nor the hour was favourable. He 
must postpone the battle. He was already sure of the 


victory, because he had a good army, with valiant and 
high-spirited soldiers quite sufficiently numerous for 
the destruction of Aurangzeb, who in comparison 
to him was an invisible speck on this earth. All 
this they did solely that Aurangzeb might have time 
to take rest, to refresh his people, and secure the 
arrival of his guns. 

The traitors had made an agreement with Aurangzeb 
that when he was ready to give battle he should warn 
them by three discharges of cannon, and thereupon 
they would make dispositions for delivering Dara into 
his hands. Meanwhile Aurangzeb gave proof of how 
he understood recompensing those who helped him in 
his unjust undertaking. He caused his friend Champat 
to be sent for, who was waiting not far from his tents, 
in expectation of the many favours and presents pro- 
mised to him. When he reached the presence, having 
no anticipation of what was about to happen to him, 
Aurangzeb instantly caused him to be bound, and 
carried to the route along which he designed to 
advance next morning to give battle ; there he was to 
be offered up a sacrificial victim and beheaded. This 
command was executed. 

On the 2nd of June (1658) Dara received a letter 
from his father Shahjahan, directing his retreat to 
Agrah, there to entrench himself until the arrival of 
Sulaiman Shukoh. This could not be done, because 
if Dara retreated, the enemy would without fail 
resume his advance with still greater spirit, while 
our troops would lose all confidence in the valour of 
their prince and commander. They would imagine 
if he retired that he had not the courage to attack. 
The greater part of our army, directly they saw such 
a movement, would inevitably transfer themselves to 
the enemy's side. 

So far was Dara from following the advice of his 
father that he had, on the contrary, made up his mind 
to deliver battle. In reply to his father, he wrote that 
he ought to take his ease and keep in good heart. He 


promised him that within three days he would drag 
Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh bound into his 
presence, when he might punish them as he saw 
fit. The truth is that he (Dara) wished to fight on 
the 3rd of June, a Saturday. But the traitors, taking 
advantage of a shower of rain which fell in our camp, 
said it was not a good time to attack, for already the 
skies wept over his defeat as soon as they heard that 
he meant to fight. It would be much better to delay 
until the next day, which was known to be the first 
day, when God created light a very auspicious day 
on which, without doubt, he would be victorious. All 
this they said because if Dara had attacked the enemy 
on that day he would have gained a certain victory. 
For Aurangzeb had not then his ranks in proper order, 
nor had the agreed-on signal been given. 

The presumption that I found in Dara afflicted me, 
seeing him give credit to the words of traitors. But I 
consoled myself a good deal, being young, with the 
hope of getting some experience of war. On the 
whole I did not feel satisfied, finding that Dara was 
not making the exertions required for the good 
ordering of such a huge army. He had not sufficient 
experience in matters of war, having been brought up 
among the dancing-women and buffoons of his father, 
and gave undue credit to the words of the traitors. 

On the 3rd of June, at midnight, the enemy fired 
three pieces of artillery, the signal agreed upon with 
the traitors, showing them that Aurangzeb had now 
made his dispositions for giving battle at daybreak. 
We replied with three other shots. After one hour 
had elapsed Dara emerged from the camp through 
the midst of our artillery, for which it was necessary 
to take down my tent to allow a passage for his exit 
with the few cavalry in his retinue. 

A short time afterwards I mounted my horse and 
went forth out of curiosity to know what was going 
on, this being the first battle that I had been able to 
see. Trusting to my good horse, I went on, and 


halted on a height adjoining an uninhabited village ; 
thence I saw, though it was still dark, many horsemen 
leave our army for that of Aurangzeb, and never 

Almost at daybreak there came forth from the 
army of Aurangzeb several camels laden with bombs, 
escorted by some horsemen and many men on foot, 
who halted in the village and distributed themselves 
at considerable distances. As the light grew clearer 
I saw that Aurangzeb was advancing very leisurely 
with his whole army. It was formed into five divisions 
of cavalry. 

In the first division, placed in the middle, was the 
strong and valiant Aurangzeb seated on a large 
elephant, accompanied by fifteen thousand horsemen 
well armed with lances, bows and arrows, and match- 
locks. At his right hand he had his son, Sultan 
Muhammad, and Mfrbaba (Mir Baba) his foster- 
brother, to whom on this occasion he gave the title 
of Badercan (Bahadur Khan) at the head of another 
fifteen thousand horsemen. The third division, on the 
right hand of Sultan Muhammad, had also fifteen 
thousand horse under the command of Nezebetcan 
(Najabat Khan) and other generals. The fourth 
division was composed of another fifteen thousand 
well-armed cavalr}^ with whom was Prince Murad 
Bakhsh, seated on a lofty elephant, which rose like a 
tower in the midst of his squadrons. With him sat 
his little son. 

The remainder of Aurangzeb's army consisted of 
one division of problematical value, made up of low- 
class men of unwarlike habits, in addition to baggage, 
carts, camels, and unloaded oxen ; these had their 
place on the left of Murad Bakhsh. Behind followed 
all the artillery. As this army continued its advance 
in tranquillity, so I in the same manner retired until I 
saw that they had arrived close to the deserted village. 
Then the artillery was ordered to the front, behind 
them the musketeers, behind them again some camels 


carrying swivel guns (trilhoens). In their rear was the 
army, as I have above described. I answer for all this 
with all confidence. 

I awaited the approach of our army in order to take 
my place. But seeing from afar that it did not stir, 1 
went back close to it, where there were several scat- 
tered horsemen. There I halted to look at it, and 
consider our great army and its disposition. I noticed 
that while I had been away to look at the army of 
Aurangzeb, Dara had arrayed his forces in the 
following order : The artillery was all in one row, 
and each carriage bore two scarlet pennons. This 
row of guns served as a wall to protect the musketeers 
behind it, to the number of twenty-five thousand men. 
These were supported by five hundred camels with 
swivel guns (trilhoens), to their rear stood the armour- 
clad elephants, and then the cavalry, twenty-eight 
thousand horsemen. Last of all was Dara on his 
magnificent elephant, followed by numerous elephants 
carrying drums, trumpets, and all manner of music, 
forming his retinue. 

In the division to the right of Dara was Ramsing 
Rotella (Ram Singh, Rathor) with his fifteen thousand 
Rajputs, all well-armed men of war. On their right 
was Khalflullah Khan with thirty thousand Moguls, 
whose orders were to encounter the miscellaneous 
division of which I spoke, this being his (Khalflullah 
Khan's) own pretext. On the left of Dara was posted 
the valorous General Rustomcan Dacanj(Rustam Khan, 
Dakhini) with fifteen thousand horse in all ; at his 
left Raja Chartersilara (Chhatarsal Rae) with fifteen 
thousand horsemen, the greater part of them Rajputs. 
All this array made a lovely sight, both by the beauty 
of the arms and by the number of the standards and 
pennons of so many colours. 

Be it known to the reader that these two armies 
were not ordered in the disposition obtaining in Europe. 
But one division was close to another as the trees of a 
pinewood, in the order that I have described. 


I remained where I was in safety, there being no 
firing from either side. It was already eight o'clock of 
the day, when there came an order from our army that 
all the scattered horsemen must retire, because they 
wanted to discharge the artillery. Thereupon every- 
one withdrew into the army, and a poor Mogul cavalier 
riding behind me, not getting back in time, fell at the 
first fire of our artillery. Repeated orders poured in to 
keep up a continuous artillery fire, although the shot 
did no damage. They fell short of Aurangzeb's men, 
who were at a great distance from us. I was much 
amazed at their making us work thus for nothing. 
During the time that we were making this deafening 
din with our guns the enemy saluted us with nothing 
but a few bombs with tails, after the style of rockets. 

After the first discharge Aurangzeb ordered one of 
his pieces of artillery to be fired in continuation of the 
signal to the traitors. After we had fired again several 
times he let off two pieces together. When we had 
fired ten times he replied with three pieces at once. 
This was the desired signal by which he was to let the 
traitors know that he was prepared to receive attack 
where he was, without moving towards Dara. Then, 
leaving his division, Khalllullah Khan came in search 
of Dara. On reaching his presence he greeted him as 
victor, speaking thus : " May the victory be auspicious 
to the invincible Dara. Without'losing any of his men, 
solely by use of his artillery he has destroyed the 
greater part of the enemy, and little effort remains to 
gain a complete victory. It is not desirable to continue 
the artillery fire, but we must now advance and lay 
hold of the enemy." 

Orders were given not to discharge the artillery any 
more, and the well-reputed General Rustam Khan was 
sent for in order to hear what he advised. When the 
latter heard the views of Khaltlullah Khan, he replied 
that it would be better to await the enemy and leave 
him to attack us, for he had come a great distance to 
seek us, and, according to usage, he could not avoid 


being the attacker. When he came on we could 
receive him with the fury and valour befitting the 
advantage that we had over him. 

This advice was most prudent, but the cunning 
Khalilullah Khan turned it into disparagement of 
Rustam Khan, saying : " I am greatly amazed that a 
captain so famous should tell us at such a juncture to 
show ourselves such cowards and of so little courage 
that after we have almost destroyed the enemy, we 
should } 7 et be afraid to take the offensive." Dara, 
without listening to other arguments, adopted the 
counsels of Khalilullah Khan, and set his elephant in 
motion in order to attack the enemy with his heavy 
divisions. Orders were given to Rustam Khan to 
return to his division, and give evidence of his 
well-known valour. The artillery was ordered to be 
unchained to allow the troops to pass through the line. 

Khalilullah Khan, pleased at having accomplished 
his purpose of exposing Dara to the risk of death, went 
with him half-way and then returned to his own 
command, the enemy being still at some distance. On 
this side, when Dara started with his division against 
the enemy, everything fell into confusion. The barbers, 
butchers, and the rest turned right about face, abandon- 
ing the artillerymen and the guns. Many made for the 
baggage train to plunder it, which they did, breaking 
open the chests of silver and gold and carrying off 
what they could lay hands on. This resulted in 
many men being murdered while trying to rob their 

Dara pursued his route courageously, making signs 
with his hands from the top of his elephant that all 
should hasten to take part in the victory. To this 
intent he ordered his drums to beat. I admired Dara's 
high spirit, and I noticed that the enemy did not stir, 
contenting himself with a discharge of shells until 
Dara had come quite close. Then all of a sudden the 
enemy discharged his cannon, musketry, and swivel 
pieces, which struck us and frightened numbers of our 


men, who scattered this way and that. Finding himself 
in imminent peril, Dara ordered the guns to be dragged 
forward and the musket-men to advance, the franquis 
(Europeans) were also to join the movement. But it 
was no longer time, for all his men were in disarray, 
and everyone had taken his own road. 

In spite of all this he (Dara) did not lose heart, but 
waving his hands made signs to continue the advance. 
Then Rustam Khan and Chhatar Sal Rae, although 
they had suffered by the first discharge of the enemy, 
came up and collected as many fresh men as they could. 
Dara did the same. Then with such vigour, courage, 
wrath, and violence did he attack his opponents that 
he broke through the guns and penetrated to their 
camp, putting to rout camels, infantry, and everything 
that was to be found in that direction. 

Seeing the boldness of Dara, the enemy sent as 
reinforcement a large division led by Secmir (Shekh 
Mir), teacher of Aurangzeb, and other famous captains. 
This body made all haste, and at this point arose the 
hottest of the fighting on both sides. At length, 
coming to closer quarters, they took to their swords 
with the greatest vigour. Dara continued to hold his 
ground, seated on his elephant, shouting and making 
signs with his hands. He advanced always with the 
greatest composure, until, unable to bear up against 
this stout resistance, the enemy was forced to retire. 

I saw in this action, as in so many others where I 
was afterwards present, that the only soldiers who 
fought were those well to the front. Of those more to 
the rear, although holding their bared swords in their 
hands, the Moguls did nothing but shout " Boquox, 
boquox ! " (Ba-kush, ba-kush /), and the Indians " Mar, 
mar!" (Mar, mar!) that is to say, "Kill, kill!" If 
those in the front advanced, those behind followed the 
example, and if the former retired the others fled, a 
custom of Hindustan quite contrary to that of Europe ; 
and if they begin to take flight, by no method is it 
possible to stop them. 


Owing to the great disorder of his people, caused 
by the valour of Dara, Aurangzeb, who was not very 
far away, ran great risk of being taken. But he dis- 
regarded the danger, and ordered a large division of 
his best cavalry, which was close at hand, to take up 
the resistance to Dara's advance. He tried to raise 
the courage of the few soldiers left to him by calling 
to the principal men, each by his name, saying : 
u Mardaney delavaram bahader vactas " (Mardanl, 
dilaivaran-i-bahadur ! waqt ast /) that is to say, "Men 
of power, valour, and courage ! now is the time ! " 
Then, raising his hands to heaven, he exclaimed : 
11 Hia Coda! hia Coda!" (Yd Khuda! Yd Khuda /) 
" O God ! O God ! in you is my trust ! I will sooner 
die on this spot than give way." Placing his hands 
upon his morion, he ordered them to attach iron 
chains to the feet of his elephant as an attestation 
of his resolve. He pricked his elephant a little 
onward to reanimate the leaders who had gathered 
round him, all pledging him their word that they 
would yield their lives in his sight rather than recede 
one single step. 

Dara's design was to continue his advance until he 
had closed with Aurangzeb, and could attack him in 
person ; but, owing to the difficulties of the ground 
and to the fatigue that overcame him, he made a short 
halt. This hindered his winning the day ; for if he 
had kept his original rate of progress, and maintained 
the vigour of his onslaught, the victory was his. 
Aurangzeb could have made no resistance with the 
small force left round him, for with a few men it was 
not possible to repel his enemy's victorious fighters, 
full of bravery and strength. 

But Aurangzeb's lucky star worked in his favour, 
for while Dara was still halted news came to him 
that Chhatar Sal Rae had been routed and killed by 
Najabat Khan's force. Subsequently another still more 
unhappy report reached him (Dara). Rustam Khan 
who fought against Sultan Muhammad and Bahadur 


Khan, was also dead and his division in disorder. 
These leaders were killed by the traitors in their 
ranks, it being the more easy to kill them that they 
were riding on high elephants. 

Learning that the troops of the two deceased 
generals were still fighting valorously, he (Dara) 
turned off to reinforce those divisions, doing his 
work so effectually that he routed Sultan Muhammad 
and Najabat Khan, and failed not at all in that which 
is expected of a valiant general. If that coward 
traitor, Khalilullah Khan, had made the slightest 
effort in support of his Prince Dara, there can be no 
doubt that this day would have seen the destruction 
of the rebels, and have become a consolation to 
Shahjahan, a glory to Dara, and a day of peace for all 
Hindustan. For Shah Shuja', although a valiant 
soldier, had not a large army, nor had he much sense, 
and it would have been possible to defeat him quickly, 
of which we will speak hereafter. 

But it seems as if God meant to punish the sins 
and lasciviousness of Shahjahan and the overweening 
pride of Hindustan ; for there came once more to 
Dara a piece of news still more overwhelming that 
is, the death of Ram Singh, Rathor. This rajah 
attacked with such energy the Prince Murad Bakhsh 
that he penetrated the enemy's ranks and gave them 
much to do. He dispersed their vanguard with his brave 
Rajputs, captured their artillery, and, coming close 
up to Murad Bakhsh, stuck his elephant and its howdah 
full of arrows, and killed the cornac, or man who guides 
the elephant. Finally they planted three arrows in 
the face of Murad Bakhsh. He had as much as he 
could do to defend his life, to guide his elephant, and 
look after his restless infant son. The boy was so 
anxious to see what was going on that his father 
was forced to cover him with his shield and place one 
foot over his head. 

There was no one on Aurangzeb's side who fought 
so well as this prince. Raging at this resistance, and 


finding it impossible to slay him, Ram Singh, Rathor, 
and some of his Rajputs dismounted, and, like raven- 
ing dogs, leapt on the elephant, hoping to sever the 
girths by sword-cuts and lance-thrusts, and thus bring 
Murad Bakhsh to the ground. The latter, seizing the 
occasion, saw that he could make a good shot, and 
planted an arrow in the breast of Ram Singh, Rathor, 
who forthwith fell to the ground. The elephant 
turned and seized him with its trunk, and, throwing 
him beneath his feet, finished him off. Thereupon 
the Rajputs, seeing their beloved captain was dead, 
increased in rage and fury, and battled more violently 
than ever. 

Already a victor in three encounters, Dara, when 
he heard this report, hastened with greater courage 
than ever to the reinforcement of the Rajputs against 
Murad Bakhsh. He felt certain that if this brother 
were put to death he could easily gain his purpose. 
But his evil fate would not concede to him the effecting 
of this, however great and glorious he held himself 
to be. There now came to pass a treason that had 
never been looked for, such as none had ever seen, 
none could ever have imagined. It was the cause of 
Dara's total loss and ruin, although this did not appear 
at the time. 

What happened was that the astute traitor Khalt- 
lullah Khan, using the pretext of a good chance of 
seizing Aurangzeb, came to Dara and acclaimed him 
as victor, and spoke to him thus : " I know well that 
I have been in many battles and campaigns, and beheld 
the mighty deeds of renowned warriors, yet never 
have I heard of a prince like your Highness, who, 
appearing for the first time in the battlefield, accom- 
plished such valiant acts. One thing alone remains 
to display to the world your qualities that is, the 
capture of Aurangzeb. I feel compassion for the 
fatigues your Highness has already undergone, but 
it would be wrong to lose such a good opportunity. 
Yonder stands Aurangzeb with a scanty following ; 


let us go at once and seize him, as can be done 
without any difficulty. Let your highness be pleased 
to descend from your elephant and mount your horse, 
and ride at the head of your own cavalry and the 
squadrons committed to my charge. We will go to- 
gether to the attack. It was for this alone that I saved 
my division, seeing that up to now there was no 
necessity for my engaging." 

Poor Dara ! Without fully considering what he was 
doing and what would follow when he was no longer 
to be seen on his elephant, towards which all turned 
their gaze, but relying on the soft words oi Khalilullah 
Khan, by which he allowed himself to be persuaded 
and deceived, he took the advice, as it appeared to 
him that what had been said was very true. He 
alighted from his elephant, and this was as if he had 
quitted victory ; for the soldiers and commanders, who 
in the midst of battle kept an eye on Dara, not seeing 
him on his elephant, assumed that he must be already 
dead. For this reason they were thrown into great 

I myself was in great astonishment and dismay, 
not knowing what to imagine, finding all in confusion, 
and Dara no longer on his elephant ; meanwhile the 
whole army was fleeing to the rear, like dark clouds 
blown by a high wind, seeking safety for their lives 
in the belief that Aurangzeb, although still at a good 
distance, was already upon us. Dara, on beholding 
this great confusion and flight, fell into deep thought, 
and saw now the mistake he had made, and the plot 
laid for him by Khalilullah Khan. He repented him 
of the fault, but it was too late. Full of wrath and 
raging, he asked where was the traitor Khalilullah 
Khan. Let him be sought for and brought, for he 
meant to slay him. But the traitor was already afar 
off. His lord having dismounted from his elephant, 
and mounted his horse, he (Kbalflullah Khan) rejoined 
his division, with the object of transferring himself 
and his soldiers to the side of Aurangzeb. The 


soldiers who followed him did not exceed five thou- 
sand horsemen ; the rest of those under his command 
were soldiers of King Shahjahan. But these latter 
fell into disorder like the others, finding themselves 
without a leader to direct them, owing to the treachery 
that had occurred. 

These events of the battle which I have related 
occupied some three hours. The affair beginning at 
nine o'clock in the morning, it was near midday that 
the rout took place. A great many men and a still 
greater number of horses and other animals were 
killed. The reason of this was that our horses were 
much out of condition, and not used to the heavy 
work of a battle, while, on the contrary, Aurangzeb's 
horses were not overfed, and were used to work. 
Other causes were the great heat prevailing, the want 
of water, and the excessive dust. It seemed to me 
more died this way than by injury from weapons. 

[Finding that the day was lost, and that it was 
impossible to rally his scattered army, Dara took 
flight in the direction of Agrah.] 

The miserable and unfortunate Dara, by a hurried 
flight, reached the gates of the Agrah fortress at 
nine o'clock at night, and sought some repose. But 
he did not want to enter, fearing that Aurangzeb 
might invest it, and thus prevent his exit, when he 
would fall a prisoner, and be abandoned by everyone. 
At the same time he was greatly ashamed at appear- 
ing before his father. He remembered that Shahjahan 
had wished to be present in the battle, but he had 
withheld consent, whereat he was now exceeding 
sorry. So far had he lost his wits that he knew not 
what he said or did. 

He sent this message to Shahjahan, his father, and 
his well-beloved sister, Begam Sahib : " What has 
now happened to me is what you foretold." He 
grieved them much, but as they loved him, in place 
of repining at his evil fate, and in spite of all differ- 
ences, the good old man his father sent to him a 


faithful eunuch called Faim (Fahim) to console him 
(Dara), and assure him that he still cherished for him, 
and would for ever cherish, the same love and strong 
friendship that he had always had for him ; he felt 
deeply the misfortune that had befallen him. But he 
must not despair. There was still the other great 
army under Sulaiman Shukoh ; with it he could 
renew the attack on the rebels, and routing them 
inflict vengeance on them for their temerity. 

At the same time Shahjahan ordered to be sent to 
Dara mules laden with gold coin. He suggested his 
proceeding to the city of Dihli, and taking all the 
horses and elephants in the royal stables. Orders 
were sent to the governor of Dihli to open the gates 
to Dara, and to deliver to him the fortress, with all 
the treasures and other things within it. He was to 
be received with the same ceremonial and deference 
as if it were he (Shahjahan) in propria persona. For 
the execution of these orders trusty and well-known 
persons were sent in his suite, carrying letters to the 
above effect. He was advised to remain in Dihli, and 
not proceed farther. He (Shahjahan) gave his word 
of honour that he would do all he could to seize and 
chastise Aurangzeb. He would keep him (Dara) in- 
formed of everything that happened. 

The eunuch delivered this speech, but Dara was 
to such an extent confused, enfeebled, and cast down, 
with his thoughts wandering and his mind full of 
tribulation, that he was unable to utter a word, and 
lay writhing on the ground. The eunuch tried all 
he could to console him on seeing him in this deep 
affliction, but he could not extract a single sensible 

His sister, Begam Sahib, sent another faithful 
eunuch to him with some valuable jewels. She ex- 
pressed her deep grief, telling him that she was even 
more discomfited than he; but she had not lost all 
hope of seeing him reign peacefully, that ever would 
she petition God in her prayers to look favourably 


on him. After this talk Dara repaired hurriedly to 
his mansion, and ordered the removal of all the 
precious stones that could be carried off. At mid- 
night he made a start, taking with him his three 
wives, his daughter, Jani Begom (Jan! Begam), his 
little son, Super Xacu (Sipihr Shukoh), and some 
chosen slave girls. On his departure for the city 
of Dihli he was followed by some five hundred 
soldiers, for the most part slaves of his household. 
It was a great affliction to see such a down-come. 

On arriving at the city of Dihli he sent at once 
the orders of his father to the governor, requiring 
him to make over the fortress. But the governor, 
already averted by the letters of Aurangzeb, to whom 
he was well affected, declined to comply with Shah- 
jahan's orders. Thus the unhappy Dara was forced, 
after seizing what horses there were in the royal 
stables, to resume his march, and make for Lahor. 
Seeing our total defeat, I made in haste for the city 
of Agrah, where I arrived at ten o'clock at night. 
The whole city was in an uproar, for a Portuguese 
called Antonio de Azevedo, who early in the battle 
had witnessed the plunder of the baggage, rode off 
at full speed. On arriving at the city of Agrah, at 
two o'clock in the afternoon, his horse fell dead at 
his door. Thus the news spread that Dara had lost 
the battle, and the confusion was increased by Dara's 
own arrival. The curiosity of everyone was aroused 
to know how the defeat had happened, and men asked 
each passer-by about the safety of his master. This 
happened to me. An old woman asked me what had 
become of Khalilullah Khan. Owing to the rage I 
was in at his treachery, I replied at once that I was 
present when he was torn to pieces. The old woman 
was very disconsolate, and hastening her steps went 
off to give this news at his house. Much weeping and 
lamenting was caused thereby, they supposing it to 
be the truth, for I had entered into some details on 


On learning that Dara was resuming his journey 
and making for Dihli, I decided that very instant 
upon rejoining him. But my steed was so worn out 
that he could hardly stand, just as were those of 
everyone who reached the city that night. I decided 
to take a rest for twenty-four hours, and after that to 
start and go in search of Dara. 

Aurangzeb showed no want of promptitude in carry- 
ing out his designs. Within twenty-four hours he 
dispatched Bahadur Khan with several troops of 
cavalry to occupy the road to and from Agrah on the 
west. This was to hinder anyone following Dara. 
As a result, the first men to take to the road before 
the day dawned, among them several Europeans, 
found free passage ; but the rest, not knowing that 
Bahadur Khan was already in position, started on the 
journey, only to be plundered of all they carried 
and sent away with a good beating, coming back to 
the city. 

Without knowing these facts, at nine o'clock in the 
morning I made a start, riding my horse, followed by 
a loaded camel and some servants. Issuing from the 
city, I saw several squadrons dispersed in the plain. 
As I imagined these to be our men, I decided to join 
them. Then I saw that a body of some five hundred 
horsemen with its commander was bearing down upon 
me. On its drawing near, the leader advanced from 
it, attended by two horsemen. When quite close he 
asked me lovingly where I was going. I replied with- 
out subterfuge that I was on my way to find my 
master Dara. He took compassion on my youth and 
innocence, and said to me that if I followed his advice 
I should return home, for if I proceeded farther I ran 
great risk of losing my life. This captain was so 
generous that, to protect me, he escorted me safely to 
my house. 

If he had not done this, there can be little doubt I 
should have been plundered by others posted on the 
road, or even by his own soldiers, who betrayed 


every desire to plunder me had he not prevented 
them. Seeing me into my house unharmed, he advised 
me not to leave it again. The government had already 
changed hands, and Aurangzeb was victor. For that 
time I had escaped, and I looked out for a safer 
opportunity to start in search of Dara, for whom I had 
a great affection. If Aurangzeb had not barred the 
way, all Dara's people would have gone on to rejoin 
him. But they could not then do it, as I have told 
you, for they came in tired out by their flight, and 
their horses quite exhausted. 

I remained in the city of Agrah, and observed the 
way in which Aurangzeb forwarded his designs. For 
on the eighth of the month of June, one thousand six 
hundred and fifty-six (correctly, 1658), four days after 
the battle, Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh arrived at 
Agrah. They posted their army close to a garden 
called Zafarabad (Ja'farabad or Zafarabad) near the 
city, at a distance of two miles. Thence Aurangzeb 
sent his eunuch, called Fahim, an able, astute, and 
loyal person, to visit his father, carrying a thousand 
beautiful protestations of love and submission. He 
professed to be much affected by what had passed, his 
excuse being that the ambitious and evil thoughts of 
Dara had forced him into resorting to all these ex- 
tremities. As for the rest, he was highly elated at the 
good news of his (Shahjahan's) better health. He 
was now at the capital, ready to receive and obey his 

The eunuch Fahim made no stint either of obeis- 
ances or of soft and humble speeches. He dwelt on 
the goodwill and excellent intentions of Aurangzeb. 
Nor, on the other hand, was Shahjahan wanting in a 
plentiful display of loving satisfaction. 

[There was much finessing, plots, and counterplots 
on both sides ; but Aurangzeb had well-laid plans, and 
finally succeeded in occupying the fortress of Agrah 
and in making his father a prisoner.] 

Finding himself already practically with control 


over all the nobles at court, and Shahjahan securely 
lodged in prison, Aurangzeb appointed his maternal 
uncle Shaistah Khan, governor of the city of Agrah. 
Taking out of the treasury whatever money he 
wanted, he and Murad Bakhsh started in pursuit 
of Dara. The latter was already in Lahor raising a 
new army, having lost all hope of aid from Sulaiman 

On the day that the two armies quitted Agrah, 
which was in the beginning of June, I disguised my- 
self as a holy mendicant and joined their train, mean- 
ing to stick to the service of Dara. The eunuch 
Shahbaz and the more intimate friends of Murad 
Bakhsh advised him to allow Aurangzeb to go after 
Dara by himself, while he should conduct an invest- 
ment of Agrah and Dibit with his army, which was 
already far larger than before. But, not perceiving 
the finessing and wiliness of Aurangzeb, he relied on 
the promises and oaths of fidelity which had been 
made to him upon the Alcorao (the Quran). He 
neglected to listen to these faithful men, and allowed 
himself to be played with by that fabricator and 

[Before the armies reached Dibit, Aurangzeb had 
carried out his intention of making his brother Murad 
Bakbsh a prisoner, and Manucci, anxious to rejoin 
his master, completed the last part of the journey 

" Beholding all this [the capture of Murad Bakhsh] 
and hearing that Dara had decided to raise a fresh 
army in the province of Lahor, I started as a humble 
mendicant for the city of Dibit There I remained 
some fifteen days, awaiting the assembling of more 
travellers. For the villagers and thieves were plunder- 
ing the highways, and created a good deal of tribula- 
tion to travellers, robbing them and slaying them. 
They were forced to do their stages with arms ready 
in their hands, while pursuing their way. Each night 
we took shelter in the saracs, where we were able to 


take some rest in security. Every day we halted at 
noon to feed and rest the animals, and at two in the 
afternoon we resumed our march, until we reached 
another same somewhere before sunset. Once on 
this journey we were resting at midday near a town 
called Panipat (Panipat), distant from Dihl! four days' 
journey. When the time came to start again, my 
cart-man could not be found, and the convo}' set out. 
1 knew not what to do, for after a good deal of effort 
I was unable to get hold of my cart-driver. By this 
trouble I was much put out, for I found that the oxen 
would not obey me, nor could I travel on foot, for 
fear of being attacked. The men of the place sur- 
rounded me, and wanted to rob me, which they did 
not do only because I had nothing. I was much 
perplexed. They advised me to continue my route, 
for during the night (as they assumed) someone would 
be able to kill me. 

Meanwhile my cart-driver turned up ; he came 
running in great haste from the halting-place. As 
soon as he got near me I fell upon him in a great 
rage and gave him a sound beating. I knew not 
the favour that had been accorded me by Divine 
Providence, which in sui disposition* non falitur, and 
even does us the most benefit when it seems the 
most against us. I started on my road, and the cart- 
man wanted to hurry, fancying that he could catch 
up the rest of the party, who were two hours ahead 
of us, and thereby enter into my good graces again. 
But I assured him we could never overtake them, 
anyhow, could not reach the sarae. He had better 
drive on at a moderate pace. Still displeased with 
the cart-man, I inquired why he had been so heedless, 
knowing the perils existing on the road. He replied 
that, overcome by his necessities, he had gone some 
distance from the town, and then there had come 
on him heavy sleep, so that he had been unable 
to wake sooner; this was the cause of his delay. 

During this conversation we had entered into a 


wood, through which we had to pass. When within 
it I beheld with terror the greater number of our 
party heaped together, either decapitated or wounded, 
and all plundered and ruined ; the few who survived 
were stripped naked. The cart-man, frightened to 
death at the spectacle, wanted to drive off with his 
cart across the jungle without attending the dead and 
wounded lying on the road. I told him to go slowly, 
that there was nothing to be afraid of, for the danger 
had passed (although I was a good deal frightened 
myself). I found one poor creature lying in the 
middle of the road with a spear thrust through him, 
who, raising his hands to heaven, prayed me to help 
him. Taking compassion on him, I stretched forth 
my hand to lift him into my cart, whereupon the 
driver pricked up his bullocks, and did not give me 
the chance of doing this deed of charity. 

We went on our way, and coming forth from the 
wood, I noticed that the inhabitants of the village 
where we were to put up appeared before us. Aware 
of the great mishap that had occurred, when, in 
spite of all that, they saw a cart appear quietly from 
such a perilous spot, they were in the greatest amaze- 
ment, and questioned me as to how I had saved my 
life. Then I replied that God knew how to deliver 
poor men from the hands of scoundrels. I continued 
my journey, always in the fear of thieves, until I 
reached the river called Bear (Biyas or Biah), where 
I found an officer, Dautcan (Da,ud Khan), who, 
quitting Sulaiman Shukoh, had come to join Dara 
through jungle and desert by a very difficult route, 
where he had been in fear of his life. This he did for 
the. love he bore him (Dara). The latter had entrusted 
him with sufficient artillery, cavalry, and infantry to 
bar the passage of the river to Aurangzeb. 

I presented myself to him (Da,ud Khan), and as 
he recognised me he treated me with much honour, 
and granted me a passport for my onward journey. 
Without such no one could go on to the city of Lahor. 


There I arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon, when 
Prince Dara was actually seated giving audience. 
Quitting the cart, I threw my small wallet across 
my shoulder, and taking in my hands my bow and 
seven arrows, I entered the palace. When my com- 
mander Barcandas Can (Barqandaz Khan) saw me, 
he advanced to greet me ; and after embracing me 
with great affection, he led me joyfully to the presence 
of the prince just as I was. There I performed the 
usual obeisances, and he (Dara) with exceeding glad- 
ness exclaimed in a loud voice : " Xabas ! xabas ! " 
(Shabash ! slidbash /) that is to say, " Bravo ! bravo ! " 
His eyes brimming over with tears, he turned to 
his officers and said in a troubled tone: "See, you 
others, the fidelity of this European Farangi lad, who, 
although neither of my religion nor of my race, nor 
for long an eater of my salt, having only entered my 
service when these wars began, came after me with 
such loyalty through the midst of such dangers ; while 
those maintained by me for so long, and getting im- 
mense payments, with base ingratitude and utter 
disloyalty abandoned me when I had need of them, 
just as you others have seen." 

After this speech Dara asked if other European 
Farangis accompanied me. To this I answered that 
the hardships of the road hindered many from coming, 
but as they found a chance they would come. Dara 
ordered a horse to be given to me, which was at once 
brought. Not liking the look of it, he directed them 
to give me another and better one. He increased my 
pay, making it, in place of eighty rupees, one hundred 
and fifty rupees every month. An order was issued 
for a present to me of five hundred rupees with a 
11 serpao " (sarapa). I put up at a house where several 
of my European friends were staying they had got 
away from Agrah before it was invested and with 
them I dwelt. 

Aware that Aurangzeb was drawing nearer and 
nearer, and distrusting his officers, having a force 


insufficient for resistance, Dara sent an order to 
withdraw the few men and guns posted at the river- 
crossing. He directed his powder-magazine to be 
blown up, which was speedily done. He then left 
Lahor in the end of October one thousand six hundred 
and fifty-six (correctly 1658). He took with him the 
whole of his family, and at the head of eight thousand 
horsemen started for the city of Moltan (Multan), 
which lies on the bank of the River Ravi, the same 
river as at Lahor. The distance of that city (Multan) 
from Lahor is ten days' journey. 

I made up my mind not to march along with Dara, 
owing to some business, but to leave on the third day. 
During the second day I passed before the door of 
the officer second in command of the artillery, a Turk 
by race, called Rumican (Rumf Khan), who was busy 
in the preparations and the enlistment of men ; he had 
also some field-pieces, which he meant to take with 
him. As soon as he saw me he called me, and as 
I got near ordered me to dismount at once. He 
asked me where I was off to, and I answered that 
I was on my way to make preparations to start for 
the army. He told me to sit down, and said he also 
was starting that day; he would send to fetch my 
baggage, and I could go with him. I was suspicious, 
believing that he distrusted me, and I concluded that 
it would not suit me to march with* him ; for then it 
could be said that he had brought me by force, which 
would be to my discredit. So I answered him by 
praying his leave to go to my house to collect some 
cash and pay my debts, and put together my things ; 
after that I would come back and join him. But the 
obstinate Turk would not listen to me nor give me 
leave, so it came to my deciding absolutely to kill 
him, if he would not allow me to go. For it was not 
right for me to be made to march by force. I was in 
Dara's service, had a good reputation, and wished to 
rejoin without the slightest delay. Thus I told him 
that the favours I had received from Dara left me 


under such an obligation that I would sooner lose 
my life than miss an occasion to prove my gratitude 
to my king. For Dara I would sacrifice my person ; 
and if he did not believe me, let him send twenty 
horsemen with me to my house, which was close by. 
I would then come back with them. Thus I spoke 
to him, having absolutely the intention of killing him, 
although I should lose my own life, it he refused. 
But God was good to me! For the Turk accepted 
this my ultimatum, and sent with me twenty horse- 
men with express orders to bring me back to his 

I got on my horse highly delighted, and went faster 
and faster, paying no heed to their telling me to go 
slowly. They urged on their horses to overtake me. 
This irritated me, so I turned in my seat with an angry 
face, and laying hold of my sword, so threatened them 
that they were afraid and drew back. They contented 
themselves by following me at a distance until I went 
in with a rush into the house of a friend, leaving the 
escort at the door. Directly I had got inside I seized 
a musket that was standing in a corner, and then went 
for them, discharging the piece to frighten them. 
Next, laying hold of my sword, I shouted : " Strike, 
strike!" though without much hope of success. But 
they, supposing that there were a number of us, 
scattered in all directions. 

After the flight of these horsemen, I told my friend 
to get upon his horse and come along with me. For 
when the news should reach that officer, he would 
send a great many soldiers and capture us if we 
stayed. He would not listen, and leaving him in 
his house, I mounted on horseback and went outside 
the city until night came on. Then I came home 
peacefully. My poor friend had been carried off 
against his will, as I had prophesied. Next morning 
I removed such chattels as I could carry with me to 
the house of another friend. When I was about to 
bind my bundle on my horse's back, meaning to start 


on my journey to rejoin the army and Prince Dara, 
there appeared one of the officers set over the kotwdfs 
pioens (policemen), who was very drunk. This man 
had complete control over that officer of justice (the 
kotwat). He began to abuse me, and with harsh 
words ran down Dara's followers. I dissembled and 
made use of all my patience, which conquers every- 
thing, chiefly because I saw that there would soon be 
a change in the government of the city through the 
departure of Dara. 

Rendered still more impertinent by my apparent 
quietude and patience, the officer went on with his 
insolence. In time he exhausted my patience, and in 
a rage I picked up a stone, and hurling it with the 
greatest force, hit him in the mouth, cutting his lips, 
and sending two teeth down his throat. He fell to the 
ground and spoke no more. I resumed the tying on 
of my bundle, and before I mounted gave the fellow 
several kicks, owing to the rage I was in. 

Taking to my horse, I set out on my way, unaware 
that the man's servant had gone to tell his men. 
Having gone only a few paces, I perceived some 
thirty foot soldiers, all armed, coming hastily in search 
of me to take vengeance for the affront done to their 
officer. I wanted to turn back simply that I might 
rid myself of them. Then I reflected that I should 
only light upon others lying in wait for me. Fixing 
my turban more firmly, angry and resolute, sword in 
hand, I spurred my horse, on which I relied a good 
deal. I flung myself into their midst, and they, seeing 
my anger and resolve, were not bold enough to attack 
me, only having enough presence of mind to salute 
me and leave me a free passage. They followed me 
afar off*, relying upon others who had been sent in 
pursuit. To these it happened as to the first lot, and 
they all followed me up to my issuing from the city. 
I then got rid of them and went on my way. 

After three days I arrived in the army of Dara, 
where I found the officer who had tried to carry me 


off by force from Labor. I told him I had come to lay 
a complaint against him before Dara. He had been 
the cause of other Europeans not accompanying me, 
who subsequently had decided to remain where they 
were owing to the bad way he had treated me. The 
Turk, on hearing this, embraced me with the greatest 
submissiveness, and begged me to suppress my 
grievance for the sake of his good name. 

We continued our marches until the early days of 
November, when we arrived at Multan, an ancient 
city where in old days, before the Portuguese were 
masters of the Eastern seas, there came many cafillas 
(qdftlah} of merchandise and spices and drugs of India. 
With us marched the great Da,ud Khan, who, spurred 
by the loyalty and affection that he had to Dara, would 
not abandon him, offering him through others to serve 
him faithfully, as he had done for many years. But 
Dara did not trust him, led astray by the forged letters 
that Aurangzeb continued to write. 

To impose on the people of Multan, Dara made 
believe that he intended to stop in that city and enlist 
troops. He began to repair the houses in which 
formerly Aurangzeb lived when he governed that 
territory. He ordered them to send for the relations 
of a false prophet, then deceased, called Coia Bahaudim 
(Khwajah Baha-ud-dm) that is to say, " Price of the 
Law" one greatly venerated by the Mahomedans, 
who is buried in the middle of the city in a great dome 
covered with blue tiles, an ancient building. He 
earnestly entreated them to intercede for him with 
Muhammad that he might favour him and give him 
the victory over Aurangzeb. They gave him their 
word that without fail they would supplicate Muham- 
mad ; he might rest assured that his petitions would 
be considered, being as they were so just. During the 
following night they would so arrange that they should 
precede everyone and be the first to receive audience 
from Muhammad, and thus comply with his Highness's 


The following day, very early, Dara took care to 
have them called so as to know the result of their 
prayers. They appeared, as this sort of knave knows 
so well how to do, with downcast faces, and told him 
that all night long they had been in the presence of 
Muhammad, but were unable to speak to him, because 
Aurangzeb was in conversation with him. But 
without fail they would the following night find an 
opening for his petitions. In order to gratify them, 
and bind them still more to his interests, Dara 
made them a present of twenty-five thousand rupees 
and a covering of costly stuff to be spread on the 
tomb of the false prophet (i.e. Baha-ud-din). But on 
their being sent for again the next morning, they 
came with the same answer, and it was the same on 
the third day. 

When Dara was informed that Aurangzeb had left 
Lahor in pursuit, he lost faith in his prophets and held 
it best to withdraw from Multan. For this purpose 
he gave orders that all the boats, five hundred and 
seven in number, should be made ready for a voyage 
towards the fortress of Bhakkar. They were loaded 
with supplies of food requisite for a beleaguered 
citadel ; they also put on board eight cannon carrying 
shot of from sixty to one hundred and twenty pounds' 
weight, besides light artillery, ammunition, and the 
necessary materiel of war. Each boat carried, more or 
less, a hundred tons of cargo. 

While Dara was thus preparing to resume his march, 
Aurangzeb was coming after him by long marches, 
moving on day and night without halting, at the head 
of the finest part of his army. These were enough to 
overcome the small force still attached to Dara. 
Aurangzeb had left behind the rest of his army with 
orders to follow. Finding that he was pursued, Dara 
was compelled to move. He ordered the boats to be 
started down the river, putting in command of them a 
valiant eunuch, Coia Vacent (Khwajah Basant) that is 
to say, " Springtime." The prince left by the land 


route at the head of five thousand horsemen and 
five thousand infantry. Dara's favoured general, 
Barqandaz Khan, went with him ; most of the others 
deserted, as did those that he had taken on at Multan, 
carrying off the large sums of pay that he had dis- 
bursed to them. 

Much to be marvelled at was the obstinate fidelity 
of Da,ud Khan. Keeping at a little distance from our 
troops, he continued to follow. He sent a clear mes- 
sage to Dara that he might trust him ; he wanted to 
accompany him whenever the occasion arose, and with 
his blood would seal the testimony of his loyalty. 
The prince should accept his advice, and not believe 
in the forged letters that had fallen into his hands. 
But Dara, more and more suspicious, sent word to 
him that, if he were true to him, let him cease to 
follow him and go his own way. By this time Da,ud 
Khan saw that it was of no use to try to remain 
with his well-beloved prince, and sent an answer that 
he would obey orders on the condition that his dismissal 
was by writing. 

It was not long before Dara made over to him 
a paper in which it was stated : " I, Dara, discharge 
Da,ud Khan, and command him to withdraw from 
my army, and accord him liberty to serve whom he 
pleases." What things may not be worked by a 
falsehood when accepted as true by a prince ! 
Without reflecting on the evil that might accrue 
to him, the prince persisted in the unjust impres- 
sion made upon him. Da,ud Khan received this 
writing at the city of Vehu (Ochu, perhaps Dchh). 
Weeping like a child, so that it was pitiful to see 
him, he exclaimed : " It seems to me as if evil 
fortune dogged the steps of Dara " ; and therewith 
he departed. 

Learning the news, Aurangzeb, when he arrived at 
the city of Multan, detached a force in pursuit of Dara, 
with orders to capture him if they could ; they were 
to pursue him wherever he went. Then he sent an 


affectionate letter to Da,ud Khan, tempting him with 
very high pay an offer which was accepted on con- 
dition that he should not be ordered to take up arms 
against Dara. This Aurangzeb accorded, and treated 
him with great consideration, and in that reign he 
held high appointments. 

We continued our marches, suffering somewhat 
from failure of supplies, and several times from want 
of water. We passed through several rough woods, 
and arrived opposite the fortress of Bhakkar in the 
middle of the treacherous river of Sind, thus called 
after the union at this place, distant one hundred and 
thirty leagues from Multan city, of seven large rivers, 
which farther on I will tell you about. There we 
found the valiant eunuch Primavera occupied in the 
disembarkation of the big guns and the other munitions 
for the said fortress. At this time Dara received word 
that Aurangzeb's troops, commanded by Bahadur 
Khan, sent in pursuit of us, had already arrived 
quite near. He saw that he could not resist such a 
strong force ; he therefore ordered, with all possible 
haste, two thousand selected men Pathans, Sayyids, 
Mughals, Rajputs twenty-two Europeans of different 
nationalities, and other servants to occupy the said 
fortress. The command was given to the eunuch 
Primavera. The remainder of the army was ordered 
to cross with the same haste to the other side of the 
river, and seize all the boats to be found there, in order 
to hinder the enemy's crossing at that point. 

When I knew of this order I presented myself before 
Dara, and urgently besought him to take me along 
with him. With words of exceeding love and tender- 
ness, he replied that he longed to take every one of us 
with him ; but it was of the greatest importance to 
him to make sure of the said stronghold, and for this 
reason he left us in it, having such great reliance upon 
our valour and fidelity. I renewed my application, 
with protestations and entreaties added to tears, indi- 
cations of the grief I felt at our separation, asking 


him to leave all the rest behind and take me along 
with him. Dara, with a pleased face, repeated 
that it was desirable that we should all remain 
in the fortress, seeing that the place was of the 
greatest use to him against his enemies, that in it 
were goods which he held as dear as his own 
person ; and, using other words of much affection, 
he sent me off. 

I was overcome with tears and sighs at this part- 
ing, and, seeing the downcast state in which I was 
quitting the presence, he called me back. He then 
made me captain of the Europeans, and ordered them 
to give me five thousand rupees to divide among my 
men, and doubled my pay. It had been one hundred 
and fifty, and he made it three hundred rupees. He 
gave me his word that if God made him king he 
would create me a noble of his court, and reward my 
men, in whose loyalty he had much confidence. He 
added the present of a " serpao " (serapa], and directed 
that I should receive a boat-load of Persian and Kabul 
wine. He recommended me earnestly to Primavera 
the eunuch, and told him to look well after me and 
my men. After shedding more tears, I left, and went 
into the fortress with the eunuch, while Dara departed 
thence, taking all the boats. Hardly had he gone 
when we heard the drums of the enemy, and the 
report came in how Aurangzeb had left Multan for 
the Agrah direction in the greatest haste, in the fear 
that Sulaiman Shukoh might come down from the 
mountains of Srinagar. 

After he had sent us away Dara set out for the 
port of Sindi by land, ordering all the boats to 
assemble at that place for his departure. Having 
reached the vicinity of that port, he used all the boats 
found there to cross the river to the town of Sindi. 
When he got over, he ordered all the boats that 
could be found to be collected, so that by this means 
he might hinder the passage of the enemy then in 
his pursuit. 


[Dara finally reached Gujarat, and took possession 
of the chief city, Ahmadabad.] 

While Dara was renewing his strength in the pro- 
vince of Gujarat, the enemy began a most vigorous 
investment of Bhakkar fort, where we were shut up 
along with the loyal and valiant eunuch Primavera. 
No one could get out, no one could enter. This 
fortress is in the middle of the mighty river Sindi 
(Indus), founded upon the live rock, stones from 
which could be used as flints for muskets. The for- 
tress was nine hundred and seventy-five paces long, 
and five hundred and fifty-three broad. In the middle 
was a " cavalier " (tower) overlooking both banks of 
the river. On the east was a large town called Xaquer 
(Sakkar), and on the west another called Rori ; at a 
short distance from the fort, towards the north, was a 
little island known as Coia Quitan (Khwajah Khidr), 
where is a tomb held in great veneration by the Moors 
(i.e. Mahomedans). 

We were very well fortified, provided with plenty 
of artillery and munitions of war, and had a consider- 
able store of gold and silver, precious stones, and a 
great deal of baggage. In addition to this, Dara left 
some ladies who had accompanied him, one wife of 
Sulaiman Shukoh, and two young sons much cherished 
by Dara as being his grandsons. His plan was that if 
he did not succeed in the province of Gujarat and 
suffered defeat, this fortress of Bhakkar would serve as 
a base to help him again. 

After a few days of investment the enemy prepared 
two batteries mounted with cannon, left behind by 
Dara in the foundry at Lahor, he not being able to 
move them owing to the hurry with which we started, 
and the enemy leaving us no chance of putting them 
on the boats. With these they did us a good deal of 
damage. Be it known to the reader, that those seven 
rivers of whose junction I spoke did not touch the 
sides of the fortress for more than a pistol-shot on the 
west and two musket-shots on the east, because they 


flowed between rocks and hills. Thus the enemy gave 
us trouble enough ; nor did we desist from doing our 
duty with our guns, dismounting his artillery, damag- 
ing the towns, and killing a number of men. Several 
times we made sallies under cover of our artillery, 
swarming into their trenches, killing and destroying 
all we found there. Once we captured four field pieces 
and a quantity of baggage lying close by them. Thus 
the traitor Khaltlullah Khan, at whose cost the invest- 
ment was conducted, was forced to send more men 
against us. Regardless of these reinforcements, the 
commandant, Primavera, sent off before daybreak 
some boats with musketeers, who delivered attacks at 
various points and alarmed the enemy. They went on 
increasing the investing force until the place was 
evacuated, as farther on I shall relate. 

When Aurangzeb received the news that Dara was 
busy raising a new army in the province of Gujarat, he 
did not turn aside to attack him. It was more urgent 
to hinder Shah Shuja* from reaching Agrah. But he 
was much concerned on learning that Sulaiman Shukoh, 
by favour of the Rajah of Srinagar, was making ready 
to descend from the mountains ; and aided by the said 
Rajah, at the head of a considerable force, hoped to 
avenge himself for what had happened to his father 
(Dara) and himself. Aurangzeb, therefore, wrote a 
letter, giving many promises to the said Rajah, and 
also caused others to be written by different rajahs, 
chief among them being Rajah Jai Singh, asking the 
Srinagar rajah to dissemble, and suggesting that by 
the use of certain arguments he should force the poor 
prince to remain quiet in those mountains. 

In that fortress (i.e. Bhakkar) we remained, under 
continual assaults, defending ourselves boldly. In 
spite of all their efforts, the enemy were unable by 
force of arms to overcome us. Therefore they planned 
a means of getting the European artillerymen to with- 
draw from the fortress, and to this end they shot 
arrows to which letters were attached. These invited 


us to abandon the service of Dara and evacuate the 
place. One of these arrows hit me on the shoulder 
when I was sitting in my bastion at eight o'clock at 
night. Withdrawing the arrow, I went with it at 
once, wounded as I was, to the eunuch. He gave me 
a robe (sarapa) and some bottles of rose-water in 
recognition of my fidelity. 

Since Aurangzeb had strongly enjoined on Khalt- 
lullah Khan that he must reduce the place in one way 
or another, and as he saw that he could not do so by 
force of arms, he had recourse to many letters contain- 
ing promises to our eunuch Primavera (Basant) that 
if he gave over the fortress his demands would be 
gratified. Enraged at length at the receipt of so many 
letters, the eunuch wrote to Khalllullah Khan that if 
he would come in person he would enter into the 
desired agreement ; he meant to surrender the place, 
as he perceived that Dara's affairs were in a very bad 
way. Khalilullah Khan received this letter with great 
delight, fancying he was about to accomplish great 
things for Aurangzeb, who was so keen on acquiring 
the place. He started from Lahor with the remainder 
of his army to bring to a conclusion the anxiously 
desired surrender. On his arrival a truce was made 
between the two sides. Khalilullah Khan wrote to the 
eunuch a letter full of civilities, displaying the great 
results to be gained by making over the stronghold, 
whereby he would be taken into favour by Aurangzeb ; 
in fact, in so delivering it, he would find the only way 
to fortune. 

Primavera the eunuch was quite rejoiced at the 
arrival of Khalilullah Khan, and decided on giving him 
a reply. With this idea he sent for me, and ordered 
me to load with horns and old shoes the cannon nearest 
to the garden where Khalilullah Khan had encamped. 
It was charged thus up to the very muzzle. The 
answer was after this wise : " I hold few words with 
you, for I am greatly amazed at you, and I hope to 
supply your want, having been all your life a pimp 


and used to shoe beatings from women. Herewith 
what you deserve, I offer you a present proportioned 
to your merits." The letter went on with more abuse, 
which I will not insert. Closing it he ordered it to be 
handed to Khalilullah Khan. The eunuch watched for 
the arrival of the boat at the garden, which was not 
far from the fortress ; and when it seemed that Khali- 
lullah Khan must be perusing the letter, he ordered us 
to fire off the cannon, and we covered Khalilullah 
Khan's tent with the charge it contained. 

The traitor was thereby much shamed and discom- 
fited, not knowing how to hide the affront. The 
following night, when we were off our guard, he 
suddenly ordered a discharge of all his artillery and 
musketry, which was a complete surprise to us, and 
the shot fell all over the fortress. I assert without 
exaggeration that a pole on which we had a small flag 
was pierced by three balls. But our eunuch would 
not pass over such-like bravado, and the next night he 
suddenly ordered us to fire all our guns and musketry, 
and discharge a number of iron bombs to show that we 
had ample munitions of war. This took place at eight 
o'clock. To prove to him still better that we were not 
afraid, he ordered a number of vessels of artificial fire 
to be set alight, so that it was as clear as day. There- 
upon Khalilullah Khan, finding that he could not 
succeed, turned his face, discomfited, towards Lahor, 
and left us invested as before. 

Forty days after the departure of Khalilullah Khan, 
we saw one morning a numerous force pass over the 
river from west to east at some distance from the 
fortress. Our artillery began to pound them as hard 
as it could. At this moment a horseman appeared on 
the river bank with a small white flag displayed. At 
once the eunuch gave an order for a small boat to fetch 
the horseman. On his entering the fortress he delivered 
a letter to the eunuch, and proclaimed loudly thus : " I 
demand on behalf of Aurangzeb that you surrender 
this stronghold, since we are carrying with us in this 


army the Prince Dara, whom we have a prisoner." 
Hearing this sad and unexpected news, we were all 
cast down, and dropped our arms. The eunuch told 
the horseman he could not make over the place without 
the order of his prince, the Lord Dara, from whom he 
had received charge. The messenger went away with 
this answer. 

Before he had reached the farther bank, we saw 
coming seven boats full of armed men carrying a 
number of flags. Their officer was called Chegatcan 
(? Chaghatae Khan), an Dzbak by race : he was nighty 
elated, as if entering in triumph into his own house. 
I gave an order to my men to get their guns read} r , 
and some pieces with grape (varrer, literally, "to sweep 
with a broom "). When they had already got near, we 
gave them a round from the artillery, which did a good 
deal of damage, both to the boats and to the men. 
After that the} 7 retreated, while our artillery went on 

Seeing how resolute we were, Bahadur Khan repaired 
to Prince Dara, and requested him to order the eunuch 
to surrender the stronghold, since, the garrison being 
firm in their resistance, in all probability the whole of 
them would come to a miserable end within the 
fortress. On hearing this, Dara had compassion upon 
his eunuch and upon us, and wrote a note with his 
own hand, stating : " Unfortunate in the one for 
whom you fought, I now request and require you to 
deliver up the place." 

When the eunuch Primavera (Basant) saw the 
letter, he recognised the writing and began to weep 
bitterly. He wrote to Bahadur Khan that we de- 
manded to come out with our baggage, and if he did 
not consent, we would fling the cannon and treasure 
into the river, and fight to the death with all despera- 
tion. Bahadur Khan sent back an assurance that we 
could leave with our baggage, but must make over the 
treasure, the princes, and all the materiel appertaining 
to the fortress. One condition was imposed : we 


must cross over to the west of the river, then eight 
days after he had marched we could take the road to 
Dihli. He made this condition because he feared we 
might enter his camp, and do our utmost to rescue 
Dara. After three days we issued from the fort in 
which we had endured so much. For, two days before 
the evacuation, I bought two calves for six hundred 
rupees, and paid one rupee for every ounce of butter. 
Without exaggerating, I bought one chicken for 
thirteen rupees. 

The army of Bahadur Khan passed out of sight of 
Bhakkar with their princely prisoner. 

Now I deal with our departure from Bhakkar. 
After surrendering the fortress we made over the 
treasure and the unhappy princes, the little sons of 
Sulaiman Shukoh, of whom nothing more was ever 
heard, and it seems as if, by order of Aurangzeb, they 
were got rid of within the fortress. After fifteen days 
the eunuch and all the people in the fort embarked in 
some boats, and we voyaged "by the river to Multan 
against the stream, but with a favourable wind. In 
four-and-twenty days we reached the said city, then 
governed by Lascar Can (Lashkar Khan). He sent an 
invitation to our eunuch to honour him by dining at 
his house. But the eunuch replied that he would 
have liked it much, but the haste he was in did not 
allow of his accepting. He suspected some treachery, 
and it seems as if his heart gave him a presage of 
what was to befall him, as 1 shall relate. 

At this city of Multan we provisioned ourselves for* 
a start by land to the city of Dihli, distant five-and- 
twenty days' journey. One day a Portuguese, by 
name Agostinho Bias, begged me to abandon the 
company of the eunuch, because he knew of a certainty 
that there existed an order of Aurangzeb for his 
seizure and execution. We quitted Multan, and in ten 
days reached the city of Lahor, then governed by 
Khaltlullah Khan. Our eunuch settled himself in a 
house of his own, which was on the river bank. His 


men scattered in various directions, there not being 
enough room in the said house. We Europeans were 
at a distance of half a mile from Primavera (Basant). 

On the third day after our arrival he (Basant) sent 
for me, but I did not go, as it was already evening. 
By another messenger he told me to come to him very 
early in the morning. At daybreak I mounted my 
horse, and on the road 1 met a former servant of mine 
called Delavar (Dilawar), who asked me where I was 
going. I replied that I was going to the eunuch's 
house. At this he fell into a fright, and said that for 
God's sake I must not go. For everybody said that 
the eunuch would most certainly be killed on that day, 
and I could easily notice the changes in the city, the 
soldiers and troopers being posted at so many places. 
He demanded with much insistence that I should turn 
back ; and reflecting a little, I remembered the advice 
of Agostinho Bias. In spite of this the love and grati- 
tude I felt for the eunuch impelled me to go to his 
house without considering the danger. 

Pricking on my steed, I shortly reached the house. 
Going within I sat down by Khojah Basant, finding 
him somewhat perturbed, and a few only in his com- 
pany. He said to me softly that he had something to 
say to me. At this moment there appeared in the 
distance several bodies of horse with banners dis- 
played. All of a sudden there came a horseman to 
the eunuch, and, addressing him politely, said : 
" Khalilullah Khan sends many compliments to Your 
Excellency, and intimates that he has received the 
king's order for Your Excellency to come forthwith 
into the city, to a house already prepared for you 
where you may remain in perfect safety ! " 

With equal civility the eunuch replied : " I am only 
a passer-by ; I go to the royal presence, nor have I 
anything to do with the city ; I return many thanks 
for Khalilullah Khan's kindness." The messenger 
started off with the reply, and the eunuch, seeing the 
troops that were appearing, became a little frightened. 


He asked me if I could produce my men without de- 
lay. I replied that there must be some delay, and that 
they could not arrive in time, owing to their being so 
far away. At this point the soldiers present in the 
room, after whispering into each other's ears, rose 
one by one and went out. I remained seated along 
with ten persons, who were house servants, and, fore- 
seeing the danger, I was anxious to leave, but the 
pride of a youth devoid of experience hindered me, and 
I wanted to see the end of it and what would happen. 

Then came another message like the first, but more 
urgent, with this detail : that if he did not give heed 
to it, he ran in danger of his life. But the eunuch 
gave the same answer, and the infantry and cavalry 
continued to draw in nearer. During this time the 
eunuch was looking on calmly at all that was taking 
place outside, for the place where we were was a 
little elevated, with a view of the river sands. It had 
the shade of some great trees, and was enclosed all 
round with a low wall. On the bank of the river, 
near the wall and below our position, stood a relation 
of the eunuch Primavera (Basant) on horseback, 
lance in rest, waiting to give up his life if need 

When a third message came with greater urgency, 
begging the eunuch for God's sake to come into the 
fort in obedience to the king's orders, adding the 
intimation that it was his last warning, he answered 
not at all. 

We saw the messenger start off at a run, and it was 
no joking matter, for the cavalry continued to advance, 
and drawing their swords shouted to the messenger, 
who heard not through the uproar that had already 
arisen. The house was encircled by a number of 
infantry, while on the river sands several squadrons 
rode from different directions, discharging arrows 
that fell like rain in the place where we were. The 
cavalier related to the eunuch, finding that the thing 
was serious, began to skirmish, pushing his horse at 


those squadrons, with his lance at the charge, until 
he got stuck in a marshy place full of mire, where, 
unable to move, he was killed by the arrows. 

The infantry tried to scale the wall, but we defended 
ourselves, and prevented them from climbing over. 
Among others we killed the kotwal's son, whereat 
being enraged they set upon us with greater fury, 
and one resolute man leapt over behind the eunuch 
and at once cut off his head. Primavera (Basant) had 
been resisting vigorously on the other side. Many 
more scrambled over, and began to cut down the few 
of us found here and there. The man that cut off the 
eunuch's head and some others came against me with 
great rage, and, seeing that our defence was overcome, 

I went straight to them, and throwing my sword on 
the ground, stepped two paces to the front. Placing 
myself humbly before them, I lowered my head, and 
said : " Slay me, slay me," and shutting my eyes I 
awaited the blow. But finding it did not come, I lifted 
my head, and saw a soldier of the same troop of the 
enemy standing between us two. With hands ex- 
tended he was begging on behalf of God that they 
should not kill me. But the other most angrily, his 
raised sword dripping with blood, ordered him to get 
out of the way. He who was pleading for me said : 

II First kill me, and spare this other." My assailant, 
seeing the determination of his fellow-soldier, went 
off to find someone else, and left me alone. He who 
saved me took me by the hand, and led me away, 
saying : " Come with me ; I want to deliver you, and 
place you in safety." But I, knowing the instability 
of the Mahomedans, said to him that as he wanted 
to kill me he need practise no deception on me. As 
I was ready for my fate, there was no need to remove 
me from that place ; but if he wanted to kill me he 
could do it where we were. Seeing what was in my 
mind, he sheathed his sword, and gave me his word 
not to hurt me, but at the cost of his life would prevent 
others doing so, and take me to a place of safety. 


We came forth by a postern gate, where we saw 
some thirty men with swords in their hands, who 
came at me, saying : " Let us kill him ; he, too, is of 
the eunuch's force." The man with me then laid one 
arm upon me, and, waving the other hand, demanded 
in the king's name that they should not kill me, nor 
lay hands on me. But they were keen to plunder 
me, and told him that he had become my advocate 
simply to strip me himself; but grieve him as it might 
they meant to kill me, and appropriate my clothes. 
Recognising their purpose and seeing them approach, 
I took off my turban there and then, and the rest of 
my vestments, being left with nothing but my under 
drawers and my shirt. I threw the clothes to them, 
and my defender conducted me a little farther ; then 
he said I might go on in security, as I was now out 
of danger. But just as I imagined I was free there 
came towards me a soldier, a Hindu rustic, holding 
a drawn sword, who, with many abusive terms and 
threats, requested me to make over my shirt to him. 
Enraged at finding myself amidst so much persecution 
and so many affronts, I said that he might kill me if 
he liked, but that I would never give him the shirt. 

Overwhelming him with abuse, I provided him with 
cause for dispatching me, but he did not want to 
damage the shirt, so he allowed me to live. In the 
end I decided to give up the shirt, so I took it off, 
in a rage, rather than lose my life. With my head 
sunk I went on my way, running considerable danger, 
although stripped naked, and full of grief and shame. 
I sought the house of one of my friends, a professing 
Mahomedan, whose name was Dulah (? Dulha), a man 
of learning, from whom I had received much kindness. 
On my way a woman met me, and offered me a sheet 
with which to cover myself, saying that when I got 
home I could send it back to her. But, not willing 
to be indebted to her, I declined, and went on 1113' 
way in the same pitiable state. When I was only a 
little distance from my friend's house I saw coming 


towards me the captain of infantry whose teeth I had 
broken with a stone. He recognised me, but took 
compassion on my plight, and lowering his head made 
no attempt to do me harm. Thence in a few more 
steps I got into the house of my friend Dulha, to 
whom I recounted all that had happened to me. He 
welcomed me with great warmth, accorded me full 
rights of hospitality, and gave me clothes and food. 
1 did not forget to render thanks to God for all His 
mercies, and for deliverance from so many perils. 

This affair happened at eight o'clock in the da}', 
and my servants removed my horse to where my men 
were, and gave them the melancholy news of my 
death. All my friends were much afflicted ; and they 
sent off one of their number, called Ignacio Gomens, 
the one best liked by and most intimate with me, to 
the site of the affray to make a search for my body. 
They instructed him to bring it back so that they 
all jointly might inter me in some convenient spot, 
and commend my soul to God, seeing that there was 
no priest. Thus we were used to do when any of 
our friends died. All of them said, and were quite 
certain, that I must be dead. On arriving at the place 
of death Ignacio Gomens found eleven bodies with 
the eunuch's headless trunk. The head had been 
carried away to lay before Khalilullah Khan, who was 
eager to satisfy his wrath and avenge himself for the 
indignity that had been done him. Ignacio Gomens 
came back, and reported what he had seen, and that 
my body was not forthcoming. My friends supposed 
that after my death the Mahomedans had, without a 
doubt, thrown me, a Christian, into the river. So 
they decided they would all go the next day in search 
of my body, and give it burial. But I, through God's 
favour, was still alive. 

At six in the evening I left the house of my friend 
Dulha, and took my road to the place where my 
followers were, with much quietness, rendering thanks 
to our Lord. On arriving close to them 1 knew them 


all, but they did not recognise me, although they 
looked at me. Then all of a sudden I gave a shout, 
whereupon they knew my voice, and came running 
with open arms towards me, unable to utter a word 
by reason of exceeding joy. They all began to weep 
with content, and after a rest I related in detail all 
that had happened to me on that day, and how 
God, out of His infinite compassion, had been my 

The following day we received a message from 
Khalilullah Khan directing us to proceed to court 
to the king's presence, where we should be well 
received. By this we were made very contented. 
With us he sent a captain and thirty troopers, and 
in their train we reached in eight days the town of 
Cerend (Sihrind), which means " Head of India," as 
it divides the province of Lahor from Hindustan. 
Before our entry into the town we saw, in a field 
a little apart from the gate, some fifteen corpses. 
Asking whose they were, they replied, that they 
were those of Jiwan Khan and his relations and 
servants. After making over to Aurangzeb at Dihlf 
the Prince Dara, they had received this reward. That 
same king gave orders to the governor of the fortress 
of Sihrind that when Jiwan Khan and his men should 
arrive on their way to their home, he should have 
them stoned in this field by all the populace, and 
thus both be rewarded and slain (a most fitting 
chastisement for his ingratitude). This gave us all 
great pleasure, and the Mahomedans themselves 
uttered a thousand curses over the corpse of Jiwan 

From this town (Sihrind) we went on towards the 
court, and arrived at Dihl! in seven days, where we 
learnt that the king was much affected by the death 
of our eunuch, Primavera (Basant), his orders having 
been to seize, but not to kill him. But Khalilullah 
Khan excused this excess, writing to the king that 
his death was necessary because it was known that 


he meant to go into the Srinagar territory, where 
Prince Sulaiman Shukoh was, taking with him two 
thousand fighting men, hardy troops, and the best 
of the Europeans that Dara had left in the fortress of 
Bhakkar. Without doubt if the eunuch had obtained 
free passage we should all have gone to find Prince 
Sulaiman Shukoh. 

After three days we were presented to Aurangzeb. 
He was very anxious for us to enter his service, 
recognising the fidelity and valour with which we 
had served Dara, and that among his own people 
he could not meet with such fidelity and stubborn- 
ness. Therefore, he now fixed four rupees a day 
for every European and for me five. My companions 
accepted his service, but I did not wish to do so, 
through the antipathy I had to him, and the point 
of honour I cherished, of not serving under the 
murderer of my master. I communicated my non- 
acceptance of employment. He caused me to be 
sent for once more, and asked why I did not accept 
service with him ; did I want higher pay than he 
offered ? But I replied to him that I would willingly 
enter his employ, but I longed to return to my native 
land, years having elapsed in absence from it ; and 
thus he allowed me to leave. 


[Although Manucci had refused to take service with Aurangzeb, he 
did not at once leave Dihti, and we next find him acting the part 
of a physician.] 


IT happened that a relation of the envoy fell ill, and, 
imagining that I was a physician, as they suppose all 
Europeans to be, they called me to their house. 

I knew a few secrets, but I did not give myself out 
as a physician, nor was 1 bold enough to teach myself 
medicine at the expense of others' lives. But seeing 
that these savages had sent for me to their house, 
I was anxious to see how they lived. I proceeded 
with great solemnity to the spot. When I had gone 
in I found the patient on a very dirty bed. I 
felt his pulse, but my thoughts were not given to 
the pulse, but to finding something I could seize on 
in the difficulty to effect a good recovery. Never- 
theless I ascertained that he was in a high fever, 
and placing my hand upon his head, bathed in 
malodorous perspiration, I found it was burning 
hot, like a pot placed upon the fire. To induce him 
to believe that I was a great physician, I asked the 
patient's age, and then for a time I assumed a pensive 
attitude, as if I were seeking for the cause of the 
illness. Next, as is the fashion with doctors, I said 
some words making out the attack to be very grave. 
This was done in order not to lose my reputation and 
credit if he came to die. 



All of them were in a state of admiration, saying 
among themselves that I was a great physician, and 
that the Franks had received from heaven the gift of 
being accomplished doctors. The principal envoy 
prayed me earnestly to put forth all my powers to 
cure this relation of his. I held out to him good 
hope of a cure, and, being unable to stay more in 
the place owing to the smell, I told them I was 
going home to prepare medicine, and that in the 
evening I would return once more. 

I came out, and repaired to a friend of mine called 
Joao de Souza, a Portuguese, who was under an 
obligation to me, and recounted to him all that had 
passed. As he had considerable acquaintance with 
medicine, he was much astonished at such a report, 
and did not know what to prescribe for the patient. 
Still, he delivered to me some pills. For three days 
1 went on with these, giving them to the sick man, 
who did not seem to me to be improving. But all 
the men assured me that he was recovering, whereat 
I rejoiced much. I seized the opening to still more 
cry up the medicine and dwell on the danger of the 
disease. Twice a day I visited the patient, once in 
the morning and once in the evening. Each time four 
horsemen arrived to escort me. 

Almost every day that I went there I was obliged 
to dine with the envoy, and I thus had the chance of 
observing their mode of eating. Over fifty persons 
seated themselves together round the cloth ; the food 
was flesh of camels and horses cooked with salt water, 
and some dishes of puldo of goat's flesh. The cloth, 
spread upon a carpet, was very dirty. To wait on 
us were two men with bare feet, who, walking upon 
the cloth, distributed the food, each with a big spoon 
in his hand. 

It was disgusting to see how these Uzbak nobles 
ate, smearing their hands, lips, and faces with grease 
while eating, they having neither forks nor spoons. 
The only implements each had on him were three 


or four knives, large and small, which they usually 
carry hanging from their waist-belt. Mahomedans 
are accustomed to wash their hands after eating with 
pea-flour to remove grease, and most carefully clean 
their moustaches. But the Uzbak nobles do not 
stand on such ceremony. When they have done 
eating they lick their fingers, so as not to lose a grain 
of rice ; they rub one hand against the other to warm 
the fat, and then pass both hands over face, mous- 
taches, and beard. He is most lovely who is most 
greasy. They render thanks to God with " Alaham 
dilaha " (Al-hamdu-l'illahi). Each man then begins to 
take tobacco, and remains for a time talking. The 
conversation hardly gets beyond the talk of fat, with 
complaints that in the Mogul territory they cannot 
get anything fat to eat, and that the puldos are de- 
ficient in butter. As a salute to their repletion, 
they emit loud eructations, just like the bellowing 
of bulls. 

Although against my will, I went on with my treat- 
ment of the sick man, and I found out by questioning 
the kind of food eaten by him when at home. He 
told me that, being a shepherd, he lived on camel's 
milk, and ate much cheese and curds made when milk 
turns sour. I ordered him to eat what he ate in his 
own country. Continuing with some tonic extract of 
coral, I restored him to health in five days, and the 
envoy was so pleased that he made me a present of 
nine melons and a quantity of dried fruit. He en- 
treated me to continue in his house, and did all he 
could think of to persuade me to go with him, promis- 
ing to procure for me from the King of Balkh 
lands and herds of horses and camels and flocks of 
sheep. He said I should be highly esteemed by the 
king and all the court. 

I was very anxious to join his suite, as a means 

of seeing more of the world ; but, as their habits did 

not please me, I made excuses many times that I 

should never get accustomed to their way of life. 



Above all, I had seen once one of their Uzbak 
soldiers lay hold of a small knife and bleed his horse 
on the neck with great dexterity. Having drawn 
forty ounces of blood, he closed the wound with one 
finger and drank the blood with great gusto. After 
he was satisfied, he shared the rest with his com- 
panions, who came hurriedly, each trying to be first, 
like so many famished wolves. Afterwards the wound 
was tied up with a cloth, and the horse left to get well 
by itself. I asked why he drank his horse's blood. He 
replied that they were accustomed to it, because in 
their country, when plundering within an enemy's 
boundary, if provisions failed their soldiers sustained 
life with the blood of their horses ; nor by this 
blood-letting did the horses lose their vigour. In 
addition to this, he told me it was their habit, 
when they captured any camel, horse, or sheep in 
an enemy's country, if they were unable to carry 
it off, to decapitate it, cut it into pieces, and place 
some between their saddle and their horse's back 
for consumption on the march whenever they were 


On the seventh day, at three o'clock in the morning, 
the march began. First went the heavy artillery, which 
always marches in front, and is drawn up as an 
avenue through which to enter the next camp ; with 
it went a handsome boat upon a large car, to ferry the 
royal person across any river when necessary ; then 
followed the baggage. In this way, when morning 
broke, the camp was free, leaving only the cavalry 
and infantry, each in its appropriate position. With 
the rest, in addition to the other transport, went two 
hundred camels loaded with silver rupees, and each 
camel carrying four hundred and eighty pounds' weight 
of silver; one hundred camels loaded with gold coin, 
each carrying the same weight ; and one hundred 


and fifty camels, loaded with nets used in hunting 

The royal office of record was also there, for the 
original records always accompany the court ; and this 
required eighty camels, thirty elephants, and twenty 
carts loaded with the registers and papers of account 
of the empire. In addition to these, there were fifty 
camels carrying water, each camel bearing two full 
metal vessels for the royal use. The princes of the 
blood royal marched in the same fashion, each accord- 
ing to his rank. Attending on the king are eight 
mules carrying small tents, which are used on the 
march when the king desires to rest, or to eat a little 
something, or for any particular necessity. Along 
with them are two mules carrying clothes, and one 
mule loaded with essences of various odoriferous 

It is the custom of the court, when the king is to 
march the next day, that at ten o'clock of the night 
the royal kitchen should start. It consists of fifty 
camels loaded with supplies, and fifty well-fed cows 
to give milk. Also there are sent dainties in charge 
of cooks, from each one of whom the preparation of 
only one dish is required. For this department there 
is an official of standing, whose business it is to send 
in the dishes sealed up in bags of Malacca velvet, 
et cetera ; and two hundred culles (qulis\ each with his 
basket of chinaware and other articles ; further, there 
are fifty camels carrying one hundred cases packed 
with sardpd (robes of honour) ; also thirty elephants 
loaded with special arms and jewels to be distributed 
among the generals, captains, et cetera. These arms 
are of the following kinds : swords, with their accoutre- 
ments, shields ; various kinds of daggers, all worked 
in enamel and in gold, adorned with precious stones ; 
plumes ; also things to give to ladies, jewels to wear 
on the breast, and other varieties ; also armlets of gold, 
mounted with pearls and diamonds. Again, there 
march close to the baggage one thousand labourers, 


with axes, mattocks, spades, and pick-axes to clear 
any difficult passage. Their commanders ride on 
horseback, carrying in their hands their badges of 
office, which are either an axe or a mattock in silver. 
On arriving at the place appointed for the royal halt, 
they put up their tents and place in position the 
heavy artillery. When the light artillery comes up, 
it is placed round the royal tents. Aurangzeb started 
at six o'clock of the day, seated on the throne pre- 
sented to him by the Dutch, as I have stated. To 
carry this throne there were twelve men ; in addition, 
there were three palanquins of different shapes, into 
which he could get when he pleased. There were 
also five elephants with different litters (cherollas) for 
his own use whenever he desired. Upon his issuing 
from his tents the light artillery began the march from 
its position round them. It was made up of one 
hundred field pieces, each drawn by two horses. 

The following is the order of the king's march : At 
the time when he mounted the throne and issued from 
his tents all the warlike instruments of music were 
sounded. At the head came the son of the deceased 
Shekh Mir with eight thousand cavaliers. In the 
right wing was Assenalican (Hasan 'Alt Khan), son of 
Alaberdican (Allahwird! Khan). This is the Allah- 
wird! Khan who caused Prince Shah Shuja* to get 
down from his elephant at the battle of Khajwah. 
Hasan 'Alt Khan commanded eight thousand horse- 
men; the left wing, consisting of eight thousand 
horsemen, was commanded by Muhammad Amln 
Khan. In the rear of these two wings were the 
mounted huntsmen, each with his bird of prey (hawk) 
on his wrist. Immediately in front of the king went 
nine elephants with showy flags, behind these nine 
were other four, bearing green standards with a 
sun depicted on them. Behind these elephants were 
nine horses of state, all adorned and ready saddled, 
after these horses came two horsemen, one carrying 
a standard with Arabic letters on it, the other with a 


kettledrum, which he struck lightly from time to time 
as a warning that the king was approaching. 

There was no want of men on foot, who advanced 
in ordered files on the one and the other side of the 
king ; some displayed scarlet, others green, pennants ; 
others, again, held in their hands their staves, with 
which they drove off the people when anyone made 
so bold as to draw near. There were on the right 
and left many horsemen with silver staves keeping 
the people back. Among the men on foot were some 
with perfumes, while others were continually watering 
the road. 

By their side was an official provided with a descrip- 
tion of the provinces, lands, and villages through 
which the king must pass, in order to explain at once 
if the king asked what land and whose province it 
was through which he was then passing. These men 
can give him an account of everything down to the 
petty villages, and the revenue obtained from the land. 

Other men march with a rope in their hands, 
measuring the route in the following way : They 
begin at the royal tent upon the king's coming forth. 
The man in front who has the rope in his hand makes 
a mark on the ground, and when the man in the rear 
arrives at this mark he shouts out, and the first man 
makes a fresh mark, and counts "two." Thus they 
proceed throughout the march, counting " three," 
"four," and so on. Another man on foot holds a 
score in his hand, and keeps count. If perchance the 
king asks how far he has travelled, they reply at once, 
as they know how many of their ropes go to a league. 
There is another man on foot who has charge of the 
hourglass, and measures the time, and each time 
announces the number of hours with a mallet on a 
platter of bronze. Behind all these the king moves 
on his way quietly and very slowly. 

So great is the dignity with the Mogul kings' travel, 
and the delicacy with which they are treated, that 
ahead of the column goes a camel carrying a white 


cloth, which is used to cover over any dead animal 
or human being found on the road. They place heaps 
of stones on the corners, so that the cloth may not be 
blown away by the wind. When he passes, the king 
stops and asks the why and wherefore. 

Behind all these squadrons rode on horseback the 
princes Sultan Mu'azzam and Sultan A'zam. After 
the king came ten horsemen, four with the royal 
matchlocks enclosed in cloth-of-gold bags ; one bore 
his spear, one his sword, one his shield, one his 
dagger, one his bow, one the royal arrows and quiver ; 
all of these in cloth-of-gold bags. After the weapons 
came the captain of the guard with his troops, then 
the three royal palanquins, and other palanquins 
for the princes, then, after the palanquins, twenty- 
four horsemen, eight with pipes, eight with trumpets, 
and eight with kettledrums. Behind these mounted 
musicians were the five royal elephants bearing litters 
(cherollas), also three elephants, one of which, that in 
the middle, bore three hands in silver upon a crossbar 
at the end of a pole, covered with its hood of Malacca 
(velvet). These signify " Observer of the Maho- 
medan faith." The other two bore hands in the 
same style which signify "Augmenter and Conser- 
vator of the faith." On the right of this middle one 
was another elephant which displayed a plate of 
copper (lamina) upon a staff with engraved letters 
in Arabic, meaning " God is One, and Muhammad 
just." The other had a pair of scales, which means 
" a king dealing with justice." On the right (? left) hand 
was another elephant bearing a crocodile's head, with 
a body made of fine white cloth, which, when moved 
by the wind, looked like a real crocodile, signifying 
" Lord of the Rivers." 

On the left went an elephant showing a spear, which 
means " the Conqueror"; to its left again, another with 
the head of a fish, having a body made of cloth, and 
when swaying in the wind this looked like a great 
fish, and it means " Lord of the seas." All these 


elephants were decorated with valuable housings 
and ornaments. They were followed by twelve more 
bearing large kettledrums, and other instruments 
made of refined metals not employed in Europe. 
They are of the nature of large dishes, which, being 
beaten one against another, make a great noise. 
These musical instruments are employed by Arme- 
nians, Syrians, and Maronites in Syria at church 
solemnities and at weddings ; they are also used at 
such events by the Turks. After these musicians 
came Rajah Jai Singh with eight thousand horsemen, 
serving as rearguard. Be it known to the reader that 
each division of those spoken of had six highly adorned 
elephants, with rich trappings, displaying on brilliant 
flags the device of its commander. 

At some distance from the foregoing came Roshan 
Ara Begam upon a very large elephant in a litter 
called pitambar^ which is a dome-roofed throne, very 
brilliant, made all of enamelled gold, and highly 
adorned. Behind her followed one hundred and fifty 
women, her servants, riding handsome horses, and 
covered from head to foot with their mantles of 
various colours, each with a cane in her hand. 
Before Roshan Ara Begam's elephant marched four 
elephants with standards and a number of bold and 
aggressive men on foot to drive away everybody, 
noble or pauper, with blows from sticks and with 
pushes. Thus I wonder when I find someone writing 
in Europe, that he managed one day to get near 
enough to see a woman servant whisking away the 
flies from Roshan Ara Begam, which is an impossi- 
bility. For the princesses and nobles' wives are shut 
up in such a manner that they cannot be seen, although 
they can observe the passers-by. 

Behind Roshan Ara Begam came her retinue, which 
consisted of several sour-faced eunuchs on horseback, 
with others on foot surrounding the litter ; after these 
were three elephants with different kinds of litters 
covered in rich cloth. Still farther in the rear were 


many palanquins covered with different nettings of 
gold thread, in which travelled her chosen ladies. 
Following them were some sixty elephants with 
covered litters, carrying her other women. After 
Roshan Ara Begam's retinue came three queens, 
wives of Aurangzeb, and other ladies each of the 
harem, each with her own special retinue. It would 
be very lengthy to recount all the details of this 
march, the Moguls being extremely choice in such 
matters, overlooking no detail that could minister to 
their glory. 

It remains to state that ahead of all this innumerable 
throng there always moved, one day ahead at the 
least, the Grand Master of the Royal Household, with 
other engineers, to choose an appropriate site where 
the royal tents should be unloaded. For this purpose 
is always chosen some pleasant spot. The camp is 
divided in such a way that on the arrival of the army 
there may be no confusion. In the first instance they 
fix the site of the royal enclosure, which, by measure- 
ments I subsequently took several times, occupies 
five hundred paces in circumference. Behind the 
royal quarters is another gateway, where the women 
live, a place much respected. After this is arranged, 
they fix the position of the tents of the princes, the 
generals, and the nobles. This is so managed that 
between these tents and the royal tents there should 
be a wide space. The central space is encircled by 
scarlet cloths, having a height of three arm-lengths, 
and these serve as walls. Around these enclosing 
screens are posted the field pieces, in front of them is 
a ditch, and behind them are palisades of wood, made 
like network, which open and shut just like the 
ancient chairs of Venice. At the sides of the gateway, 
at a distance of one hundred and thirty paces, are 
two tents, holding each nine horses, most of them 
saddled. In front of the gateway is a large raised tent 
for the drummers and players of music. 
Among the special royal tents are some where the 


king gives audience; these are supported by small 
ornamented masts upon which are gilt knobs. No 
one else may make use of these knobs, only persons 
of the blood royal. On the top of a very high mast 
is a lighted lantern which serves as a guide to those 
who arrive late. The tents of the rajahs and nobles, 
although high, must not be so high as those of the 
king, otherwise they would run the risk of having 
their tents knocked down and being ruined them- 

When the king comes out of his tent, to begin a 
march, the princes, nobles, and generals throng round 
to pay him court, each one bringing forward some 
short request, to which a brief answer is given. They 
accompany the king to the end of the camp in which 
they had halted for that day, then each departs to his 
proper place in his own division. Then the king 
joins the huntsmen, and announces whether he intends 
to go hunting or not. When he so wishes he leaves 
the army and is followed by only the men on foot 
and the soldiers of his guard. Everybody else con- 
tinues the march very slowly. If he does not wish to 
hunt, the huntsmen move to their previously appointed 
places. When the advance tents come into sight, the 
musicians commence anew to play their instruments 
until the king has passed through the gateway of the 
tents. Then the small artillery is discharged, while 
the queens and ladies offer to the king congratulations 
on arrival, saying : " Manzel mobarec " (Manzil 
tnubarak\ which means " Happy be the journey." 

It should be observed that, although the princesses 
and ladies start the last, they always arrive the first, 
having taken some shorter route. Ordinarily the 
women start after the baggage and move quickly. I 
knew that in this journey Roshan Ara Begam did not 
take in her litter her maid-servant, but in the latter's 
place a youth dressed as a maid-servant. God knows 
what they were up to, in addition to drinking wine. 
The person who told me this was a friend of mine, a 


eunuch who loved wine. The same story was con- 
firmed after the princess's death by several ladies of 
her suite. 

[Manucci only marched three days with the army 
towards Kashmir and then returned to Dihfl.] 

This is why I do not write the whole of the king's 
journey to Kashmir. I leave it to the reader's curiosity 
to read what Monsieur Bernier has written about that 
journey, although, if I am to speak the truth, he puts 
many things of his own into his Mogul history, and I 
could, through his chronology of the times, make it 
clear that he writes many things which did not occur 
nor could they have occurred in the way in which 
he relates them. Nor could he have been too well 
informed, for he did not live more than eight years at 
the Mogul court ; it is so very large that there are an 
infinity of things to observe. Nor could he so observe, 
for he had no entrance to the court. As it seems to 
me, he relied for what he said upon the common 
people ; and if there is any good thing in his books, 
it is due to the information given to him by Pere 
Buzeo, also to what I gave him, having then no 
intention of writing anything. If I write now I do 
so at the demand of my friends, chiefly Monsieur 
Francois Martin, Director-General, and Monsieur 

Thus I returned to Dihlf, where I stopped several 
days to take leave of my friends. Then I started for 
the city of Agrah, where I came across the Jesuit 
Fathers. I remained there for a while in the enjoy- 
ment of the conversation of my old friends, with 
whom I had been in the fortress of Bhakkar. I did 
not care to take service with Aurangzeb, but they had 
accepted and were at this time artillerymen in the fort 
at Agrah. They were urgent for me to enter the 
service ; but finding that I would not listen to their 
words, they went and spoke to Ptibar Khan, fancying 
that he could persuade me. Ttibar Khan sent for me, 
and on visiting him I presented a cup of crystal. Re- 


ceiving it with a pleased face, he ordered robes of 
honour to be given to me. He endeavoured to win 
me over, and urgently entreated me to remain in the 
fortress and enter the service. He would grant me 
any terms I demanded, and allot me the pay I received 
from Prince Dara at Bhakkar. He would make me 
captain over the Christians (which was what they 
desired, remembering how well I had treated them at 

1 tendered my excuses, and said in addition that I 
was most desirous to see different parts of the world; 
there was also the aversion that I had to Aurangzeb, 
and equally the face of I'tibar Khan displeased me in 
fact, to speak properly, he looked like a baboon. To 
me it seemed that from one with a face like that no 
good deed could proceed. Nevertheless, I did not fail 
to go several times to court, as requested by Ptibar 
Khan, he imagining in this way to overcome little by 
little my resolve, and bring me to take employment. 
But each time I went to the audience served only to 
renew my determination not to stay in Agrah. 

Going thus several times into the fort, I noted the 
imprisonment of Shahjahan was closer than can be 
expressed. There passed not a day, while I and others 
were in conversation with the governor, that there did 
not come under-eunuchs to whisper into his ear an 
account of all the words and acts of Shahjahan, and 
even what passed among the wives, ladies, and slave- 
girls. Sometimes, smiling at what the eunuchs told 
him, he would make the company sharers in what was 
going on inside, adding some foul expressions in 
disparagement of Shahjahan. Not content with this 
even, he sometimes allowed it to be seen that he treated 
him as a miserable slave. Once an under-eunuch came 
to tell him that Shahjahan was in want of " papuz " 
(paposh), which are slippers without heels, such as 
Mahomedans wear. He ordered several pairs to be 
brought, and the tradesmen produced several different 
kinds of pdposh, some of leather worth half a rupee, 


some of plain velvet, and some of velvet more or less 
embroidered. Some were worth as much as eight 
rupees, a very small thing for a great king like 
Shahjahan, even when in prison. In spite of this the 
eunuch, immeasurably stingy, sent him shoes neither 
of eight rupees, nor of four, nor of two, but the common 
leather shoes. He smiled over it as if he had done 
some great deed ; and it was a great deed, being after 
the nature of his friend Aurangzeb, who knew from 
this eunuch's physiognomy the vileness of his soul, and 
selected him to receive charge of his greatest enemy in 
the world, his father, so that by force of ill-treatment 
the wretched old man (Shahjahan) might die. 

I do not know how it was with the others who were 
present when this was done, but I certainly felt it 
much. I knew the dignity with which Shahjahan had 
lived when he was free and Emperor of Hindustan ; 
it was doubly sad when one remembered that Ptibar 
Khan was formerly a slave of this same Shahjahan, 
by whom he was given to Aurangzeb. 

When the Jesuit Fathers saw that I did not want to 
remain in Agrah, but was determined to go to Bengal, 
Father Henriques Roa (Heinrich Roth), a German 
rector of the college, earnestly entreated me to take 
with me two Portuguese friars, then living in his 
college. They were companions of others who had 
fled from the town of Chavel (Chaul), and he (Roth) 
did not wish to be accused of harbouring fugitives. 
Although I did not burden myself willingly with such 
merchandise for I have always held that he who flees 
from a convent is capable of other misdeeds never- 
theless, to be agreeable to the Father Rector, I took 
with me the two friars, turning them into my servants. 
In twelve days we reached Allahabad. 

I believe that the reader will be pleased to know that 
on the eastern side of this city is a fortress all of red 
stone. It was King Akbar who ordered it to be built; 
it is very handsome and very strong. For, in addition 


to art, Nature has also helped to make it strong : the 
River Ganges, flowing on the north or left side, directs 
its course towards the south until it reaches the fortress, 
while the River Jamnah, flowing on the east, at the right 
hand of the fort, forms a junction with the Ganges river 
beneath the walls. Besides these rivers there issues 
from the rock on which stand the fort and its outworks 
a petty stream with blue waters, which is called Tirt 
(Tirth); it goes by a straight course, like a tongue, 
between the two rivers until it flows into them. Just 
as if the said two rivers held those waters in respect, 
on account of their birthplace, they allow them to pass 
down for a long distance without their colour being 
modified. Thus you can plainly see the waters of this 
streamlet flowing in the middle of the waters of the 
two rivers, Ganges and Jamnah. 

I observed this very specially when during my stay 
one of my friends, named Aquim Momena (Hakim 
Mumin), physician to Bahadur Khan, gave me a dinner 
upon the said fortification. As it was the first time I 
saw it, I showed my admiration of this work of Nature. 
For many gave me particular information, and told me 
that the Hindus worship this River Tirth, their story 
being that one of their gods opened with an arrow the 
spring from which the said river rises. 

Every five years multitudes of Hindus assemble and 
wash their bodies in the said stream. This yields a 
good revenue to the Mogul king, for every person who 
bathes in the river pays six and a quarter rupees. 
Such is the multitude of frequenters that in the crowd- 
ing many are stifled. Nor on this account do the 
relations of the smothered persons make the usual 
lamentations. On the contrary, they boast that their 
relations died in a state of grace and holiness, all of 
which is included in the word Tirth. 

These three rivers flow beneath the city of Banaras 
(Benares), ninety leagues from Allahabad, pass near 
the city of Patana (Patnah), forty leagues distant from 
Benares, then, flowing onwards, water the shores of the 


small town of Muguer (Munger) at a distance of eighty 
leagues from Patnah, and, continuing their course, 
greet the town of Ragemahal (Rajmahal) at forty 
leagues from Munger. There they divide into two 
branches : one, keeping the name of Ganges, flows as 
far as Ugulim (Hugli) in Bengal, and from Hugli goes 
southward to the sea ; the other branch, under the 
name of Jamnah, flows near the town of Daca (Dhakah), 
where it mingles with other great rivers. 

We were some days in Allahabad, and the then 
governor was Bahadur Khan, who was absent on a 
campaign against some villagers who objected to pay 
their revenue without at least one fight, just as the 
villagers near Agrah do. Leaving Allahabad, I 
took the road for Benares, by land, carrying with 
me a passport as is the practice with all tra- 
vellers. The route was level and without hills, and 
in eight days we came to the city of Benares, where we 
remained several days. This city is small, but very 
ancient, and venerated by the Hindus by reason of a 
temple there possessing a very ancient idol. Some 
years after my visit Aurangzeb sent orders for its 
destruction, when he undertook the knocking down of 
all temples. 

In this city is made much cloth worked in gold and 
silver, which is distributed hence all over the Mogul 
realm, and is exported to many parts of the world. 
It is the fashion in Hindustan to use this proverb : 
" Toracana Banarismo Rana"(77?0ra khana, Bandras 
mon rahnd)ihat is : " Little to eat, but live in Benares " 
suggesting that Benares is a nice place, with a good 
climate, productive land, and cheap food. Here I 
crossed the great river, showing the Allahabad pass- 
port, as is usual ; and by land I arrived in four 
days at Patnah, a very large city with bazars, the 
greater part thatched and inhabited by many mer- 
chants ; for here is prepared much white cloth of fine 

In this city were two factories one of the English 


and the other Dutch seeing that here, besides cloth 
of cotton, much fine silk cloth is woven, and a huge 
quantity of saltpetre produced, which goes to be 
stored in Bengal, and is there loaded on ships for 
various parts of Europe. Bottles are also made, and 
cups of clay, finer than glass, lighter than paper, and 
highly scented ; and these, as curiosities, are carried 
all over the world. When I was at Patnah I saw 
an Armenian friend of mine called Coja Safar (Khwajah 
Safar), of Agrah. He had a letter entitling him to 
receive from a sarraf (money-changer) twenty-five 
thousand rupees. On his arrival he learned that the 
sarraf had become bankrupt. The Armenian dis- 
simulated. As all the merchants knew him, they 
brought him cloth, and he took delivery up to thirty 
thousand rupees' worth. He loaded up all this cloth 
for Surat, continuing himself at Patnah. When the 
time came for paying the merchants, he, in pursuance 
of the custom of the country, lighted two candles in 
the morning, as a sign that he had become bankrupt, 
he sat in his house with no turban on his head, a 
simple cloth bound round his head and loins, his 
seat an old bit of matting, and a dejected expression 
on his face. 

A great tumult arose in the city, and the merchants 
thronged to learn the cause ; there was a storm of 
questions, answers, and bad language. To all this he 
replied with a sad countenance, calmly, and without 
heat, by the word " Divalia " (diwala), which means 
" bankrupt." No other response could they get. They 
carried him off to court ; but on the quiet he had 
given the judge a bribe of five thousand rupees. At 
the hearing he (Safar) produced the bill of exchange 
that he got at Agrah upon the sarraf of Patnah, and 
made the defence that this sarraf was the cause that 
he, too, was a bankrupt. The judge decreed that the 
merchants must take the bill of exchange and procure 
payment for themselves, being fellow citizens of the 
sarraf. It was unreasonable that a stranger should 


suffer in a foreign country. The Armenian, being thus 
absolved, made his way to Siirat. 

At this time Dautcan (Da,ud Khan) governed 
the city of Patnah. This is the man who was un- 
willing to forsake the service of Dara, yet was forced 
to leave it because Dara, in opposition to all reason, 
expelled him from the service when he marched out 
of Multan. The prince acted on unfounded suspicions, 
as I have recounted in the other part. I went to 
see him, and he was very delighted to see me, remem- 
bering that 1 had been something of a favourite with 
Dara. He gave me a set of robes (sardpa). He still 
retained much affection for the deceased prince, up- 
braiding the evil fortune that had pursued him. He 
said to me that if Prince Dara were still alive he 
would never have taken service under Aurangzeb, 
and now that he had accepted employment he 
had been sent to govern Patnah. He was desirous 
for me to become his follower, making me great 
offers ; but as I wished to continue my journey, 
I asked him to forgive me, as I had business in 
Bengal. He agreed to let me go on condition that 
I accepted from him a boat for making my journey 
by river to Bengal, as a mark of the affection he 
bore me. 

I accepted the offer ; and of the two horses I had 
I sold one, the other I embarked on the boat. Then 
I got into it, taking the two friars, with whom I was 
considerably incensed. We proceeded slowly, and, 
arriving near an island, while our meal was in pre- 
paration I landed with my boys to go shooting, there 
being an abundance of game in these islands, all of 
them uninhabited. Having shot sufficient for supper 
and breakfast, I returned to the boat, and every evening 
we slept close to the bank. 

One day during this voyage the boatman told me 
not to put any trust in the friars, for they were not 
my friends on the contrary, they had several times 
wanted to resume the journey while I was out on an 


island shooting ; but the boatman would never consent, 
knowing that Da,ud Khan would wreak vengeance 
on him for daring so to act. I knew quite well that 
the friars were capable of doing this, for the more 
I tried to please them, the more insolent they became. 
They did not recognise the benefit I was doing them, 
for no other reason than their being men of religious 
profession, recommended by the Father Rector of the 
Jesuits in Agrah. I wanted to find out whether really 
they spoke thus to the boatman, and I learnt after 
some days that they again did as before. Thus I was 
compelled to show myself in a rage, and I said to 
them that, if they did not mend their impertinent 
ways, I would abandon them on some island, and 
leave them to the disposal of Time and the wild beasts. 
I hoped that they would not thereafter venture to incur 
my displeasure. All men of wisdom know that, with 
certain characters, it is necessary to be resolute before 
you can make them abate their rage, and thus was it 
requisite to do on this occasion to make them thoroughly 

Finally I reached Rajmahal, the former court 
residence of Prince Shah Shuja', where I delayed 
a few days to see the ruins of the city, the 
dilapidated palaces, the great fallen mansions, the 
neglected groves and gardens. ; At this time the city 
was ruled by Mirza Jam, who had been the cap- 
tain of Shah Shuja's artillery in the severe battle 
of Khajwah. Upon the defeat of that prince, Mir 
Jumlah, who was viceroy of Bengal, aware of the 
prudence and valour of Mirza Jani, made him 
governor of this city. 

From Rajmahal I continued my journey on the 
river to the city of Daca (Dhakah), which was 
reached in fifteen days from leaving Rajmahal. The 
city of Dhakah is the metropolis of the whole province 
of Bengal, where a viceroy always resides who wields 
the greatest power, although when I reached it Mir 
Jumlah, the then viceroy, was not there, he having 



gone to make war on Assam, a campaign of which I 
will speak later on. The city of Dhakah, without 
being strong or large, has many inhabitants. Most 
of its houses are made of straw. At this period there 
were two factories, one English and the other Dutch ; 
there were many Christians, white and black Portu- 
guese, with a church served by a friar called 

Here I made the acquaintance of an Englishman 
named Thomas Plata (? Platt), a courteous man, who 
had from Mir Jumlah five hundred rupees a month. 
He was master of the riverside, and employed in 
building boats and making ammunition for river 
fighting. This Englishman carried me off to his 
house, and I received from him many favours ; I 
shall have something to say about him after the death 
of Mir Jumlah through something that then happened 
to him. After some days I embarked once more, 
accompanied by the friars, traversing the great river 
of Dhakah, on my way to Hugli. Having discovered 
that I had little time to spare, and that there was a 
shorter and a safer route to Hugli, we therefore 
quitted the main stream and passed by a way between 
forests, which are called the Forests of Sunderi 

In forty days we got through the forest and reached 
the waters of Huglf, not far from the sea. The friars 
made for the harbour of Balasor, where they wanted 
to beg for alms. I disembarked at Hugli and went to 
see the Father Prior of St. Augustin's, named Frey 
Irao Bautista. Here I found the chief inhabitants of 
Hugli, all of them rich Portuguese, for in those days 
they alone were allowed to deal in salt throughout the 
province of Bengal. The Father asked me at once if 
there had come with me two fugitive friars. I replied 
that two Fathers bad come, but they were not fugitives 
on the contrary, they were religious persons much 
to be esteemed ; that they had come to gather alms 
for their convent and were gone to Balasor. Thus 


did I repay the troubles they had caused me on the 
journey. But they did not equally return them to me 
the good I had done them, as I shall relate. The 
Father Prior placed trust in my words, and made 
ready two cells to receive the friars on their arrival, 
which came to pass a few days afterwards, when they 
were well received. 

Some days after my arrival the Jesuit Fathers came 
to visit me, and in course of conversation they said to 
me that they had a tiny church, and that only built 
of straw. They desired to construct one of stone, 
but the governor objected, although they were ready 
to pay him five thousand rupees. The governor was 
Mirzagol (? Mirza Gul or Mughal), an old man of 
Persian race, who had been in Shah Shuja's service 
when he fought the famous battle of Khajwah against 
Aurangzeb. He afterwards entered the service of 
Aurangzeb, and Mir Jumlah, who knew his prudence, 
made him governor of Hugli. This governor was 
determined that the Jesuit Fathers should not build 
a church, and he issued orders that no one should 
work at such an edifice under penalty of losing a 

The Fathers begged me most earnestly to speak to 
Mirza Gul on this matter. To be of service to the 
Fathers, I paid a visit to the governor, when we had a 
talk over the events in the recent wars, so that he took 
a fancy to me. He said to me that if he could be of 
use to me in any way he would do it willingly. 
Seeing an opening for carrying out the project of the 
Fathers, who were with me, I explained to him, after 
many polite words, that I should be content if he 
would allow the Fathers to build a church. This was 
the greatest favour that he could do me. Then I 
presented to him their petition, which he granted on 
the spot. 

When they learnt this, the Portuguese were all 
amazed that I, with a few words, had secured what 
they could not obtain for five thousand rupees. This 


thing caused them to seek every mode of keeping me 
in Hugli, they supposing that, as I had managed so 
easily such a difficult affair, I would prove of benefit 
to the Portuguese should I take up my residence there. 
They found that I was not willing ; on the contrary, I 
wanted to go back to the Mogul territory to practise 
the science of medicine, of which I had begun to learn 
the elements, and was continuing my studies. I knew 
from experience that Frank physicians are held in 
esteem by the Mahomedans. They then thought 
to detain me by a marriage to a young lady, with 
the promise of thirty thousand rupees and two 
pataxos loaded with salt, making the whole one 
hundred thousand rupees, also a house furnished 
with everything necessary for a newly-married 

I was really anxious that this contract should be 
carried through ; all the same, I made a show of not 
caring a rap, pretending, on the contrary, that I was 
absolutely determined to return to the Mogul country. 
The Jesuit Fathers were never tired of trying to get a 
"Yes "from me, but though desirous in my heart of 
assenting, I made a show of refusal, so that they might 
not fancy they were conferring any benefit on me, 
nor, if afterwards there chanced to be any quarrel, 
could they throw in my face the benefit they had 
done me. 

The friends with whom I had travelled from Agrah 
to Bengal were anxious on this occasion to repay me 
for the kindness I had done them in taking them as 
my companions. They came to interview me, and by 
a long argument tried to draw from my purse three 
thousand rupees. They said if I gave them the 
three thousand rupees they had the power of 
arranging a very profitable marriage for me. They 
supposed that at the time I knew nothing of this 
proposed marriage, and thus they came confidently 
hoping to suck three thousand rupees out of me. 
With an unmoved face I gave them my thanks, 


saying that I had no wish to marry. Worn out by 
talking, they had to quit my dwelling without the 

They (the friars) waited until a day on which my 
proposed father-in-law had prepared a luncheon, and 
intended to come with the Jesuit Fathers and other 
friends of his to carry me with them to this feast. 
He meant to obtain my acquiescence during the meal. 
All of a sudden they (the two friars) appeared in the 
company. Everybody was pleased, looking on the 
friars as my friends ; and they were invited to come 
also to my house to fetch me, and settle about the 
wedding. Those two men, who sought nothing but 
my harm, began to give vent to the rage that they 
had against me at not having been able to extract 
the three thousand rupees from me. They expressed 
their surprise that a rich man, having only one 
daughter, the heiress of much wealth, should seek 
for her the ill-fortune of being married to a foreign 
youth, one of little ability. On the other hand, there 
were many Portuguese of good sense, of good family, 
well-established merchants in Huglt, who were willing 
to marry the girl ; if others were consenting to this 
union they could not concur in such an injury being 
inflicted on the girl. 

Everybody was amazed at this kind of talk from 
the friars, they all supposing them to be my friends, 
as I had vouched for them ; and their words found 
acceptance in the minds of many present. The two 
knew that someone would come and tell me what 
had happened, therefore they cunningly took the 
initiative, and came within the same hour to visit me. 
They said Hugli was not a good place for me; it 
were better to quit it at once. The Father Prior of 
the Augustinians was, they said, very vexed with me 
for obtaining permission for the Jesuit Fathers to 
build their church. He had sworn that when he came 
across me he would thrust some insult upon me. 

As soon as they had left my house I took pen and 
9 * 


ink, and wrote a letter to the said Father Prior, asking 
the cause of his displeasure. For it did not seem to 
me sufficient cause to be vexed because a stranger 
had assisted in getting God glorified. Nevertheless, 
if I had offended I would come to him for my penance. 
But it did not seem to me right that he should show 
such signs of displeasure as recounted to me by such- 
and-such priests. He replied to me that he had no 
grievance about my gaining the permission for the 
Jesuit Fathers, but it was because they had promised 
him one hundred and fifty rupees if the negotiation 
succeeded, and now were unwilling to keep their 
word. Meanwhile there appeared the foster brother 
of her who was to be my wife; he was my great 
friend, and he told me all that occurred. The story 
was confirmed by other friends who had been present 
during the telling of falsehoods about me by the two 

I came out of my house, and went to the Father 
Prior of the Augustinians, where 1 made known what 
the friars were, for I now saw they were full of guile. 
I told him, as was the truth, that they collected alms 
not for the convent, but for themselves. They had 
tried to levy from my purse three thousand rupees ; 
but, as I did not wish to give them this money, the} 7 
invented falsehoods about me. They supposed I 
wanted to get married, whereas the thought of it had 
never entered my head. The Father Prior approved 
of what I said, and extracted from the hands of the 
fugitives the alms collected, writing to the convent 
of the said friars at Goa as to what he had done. He 
gave orders in his convent of the Augustinians for 
the preparation of a satisfactory account of the money. 
The said Father Prior made complaint to me for my 
not having denounced them as absconders. I replied 
that under the impression that they intended to do 
better deeds than those they had committed in the 
Mogul country I judged myself under an obligation 
to screen my neighbour's faults, but finding that they 


were acting worse than before I held it now opportune 
to declare the truth. 

Certain friends were very anxious for me to remain 
in Hugli to renew the proposals of marriage. But 
being quite ready for a start I declined to listen to 
anyone. Two days after the above-mentioned event 
I quitted Hugli by land. Some imagined that I was 
not really going, for before I had reached Cassim 
Bazar (Qasim Bazar) they sent me couriers calling 
on me to return, saying that already the plot of my 
enemies had been discovered, and my father-in-law 
was anxiously awaiting me to give me his daughter 
as my bride. I paid no heed to such letters and 
promises, for I had by that time made up my mind 
to go once more to Dihli. 

I reached Qasim Bazar, at three days' journey from 
Hugli, and here I saw that they make much high- 
quality piece-goods, and much white cloth. There 
are in this village, which is near the Ganges, three 
factories of the French, English, and Dutch. From 
Qasim Bazar I took the road to Rajmahal, and there 
waited to see a Hindu woman burnt, although I had 
already seen many. She had poisoned her husband 
by reason of her love for a musician, hoping to get 
married afterwards to this lover. But on the husband's 
death the musician refused to marry her. Thus 
finding herself deprived of a husband, and her re- 
putation gone, she resolved to be burnt. A great 
crowd collected to look on ; among them appeared 
the musician, hoping to receive from her something 
by way of memorial. It is usual for women who go 
to be burnt to distribute betel-leaf or jewels. The 
place was a large pit. As she was circumambulating 
this pit she came close to the young musician, and, 
taking from her neck a gold chain she had on as an 
ornament, she flung it round the young man's neck, 
and taking him forcibly into her arms jumped into 
the pit. Everyone was taken aback at this, not anti- 
cipating such a thing. Thus did she and the youth 


together expiate their sin and the murder of the 

From Rajmahal I made once more for Patnah, 
where I halted several days, spending a jolly time 
with some English and Dutch friends. I then started 
for Allahabad, and from Allahabad I went to Agrah, 
where was King Shahjahan, still kept with the same 
rigour as ordered by King Aurangzeb, who was then 
in Kashmir. The routes I traversed are much fre- 
quented, full of villages and sardes, food being good 
and cheap. 

Some time after my arrival in Agrah there came 
to my house a Dutch surgeon named Jacob, a fugitive 
from the harbour of Goa, having killed a man when 
the Dutch blockaded the entrance to that place. His 
visit was mo^t opportune. For the governor of the 
city, who suffered from a fistula, had sent for me to 
see if I could cure him. None of the Europeans 
living in the fort knew the proper treatment, nor was 
there any Mahomedan surgeon who would venture 
to deal with the case. I asked Jacob, who was unable 
to speak Moors, and was a poor, miserable creature, 
whether he had the courage to treat such a complaint. 
He replied in the affirmative, and so I went with him 
to the governor, and in a short time we cured him, 
when he gave us a considerable sum for our trouble, 
besides the presents sent to me during the time we 
were attending him. Thus little by little I began to 
turn myself into a physician, although I did not make 
bold to announce myself as such. 

During my stay in Agrah I went one day to make 
an excursion into the country on horseback, in the 
company of a young Armenian. We came where a 
Hindu woman had begun to move round her pyre, 
which was already blazing ; she rested her eyes on 
us, as if she appealed to us for help. The Armenian 
asked if I would join him in saving the woman from 
death. I said I would. Seizing our swords, and our 
servants doing the same, we charged our horses into 


the midst of the crowd looking on, shouting " Mata, 
mata!" ("Kill, kill!"), whereat the Brahmans, being 
frightened, all took to flight and left the woman un- 
guarded. The Armenian laid hold of her, and making 
her mount behind him, carried her off. Subsequently, 
having had her baptized, he married her. When 
I passed through Surat I found her living there with 
her son, and she returned me many thanks for the 
benefit done to her. When the king returned from 
Kashmir, the Brahmans went to complain that the 
soldiers did not allow women to be burnt, in accord- 
ance with their customs. The king issued an order 
that in all lands under Mogul control never again 
should the officials allow a woman to be burnt. This 
order endures to this day. 

The king having arrived at Dihli from Kashmir, I 
went several times to make my bow to Rajah Jai 
Singh, who took a fancy to me, and in the end 
requested me to teach him how to play Hombre, as 
I had already done to his son Queretsing (Kirat 
Singh). Several times we played together, and we 
two won from the said Rajah some sums of money. 
At this time Rajah Jai Singh said he had need of me. 
He wanted me to join him in this most important 
enterprise, and he would make me commander of 
his artillery. For this purpose I must search for 
Europeans I knew and who were good soldiers. 
Afterwards he would entrust other business to me. 
Meanwhile he fixed my pay at ten rupees a day. 
I could not resist his proposal, and I had great 
trust in his word, nor did I like to offend him at 
such a time. For I had not yet the boldness to 
announce myself as a physician. He gave me a rich 
sardpd (set of robes), and a good horse, with sufficient 
money for my equipment. 

Everything having been arranged, we quitted Dihli 
with a strong force. Aurangzeb ordered Mahabat 
Khan to return to the government of Gujarat, and 


Bahadur Khan, the king's foster-brother, was ordered 
to return to court. At this time happened an amusing 
affair. Bahadur Khan, as the king's foster-brother, 
had been lifted from an obscure position to that of 
a general. He had become very high and mighty 
and vain-glorious. Everyone arriving from court was 
asked eagerly as to the king's health, not calling him 
by his title, but speaking of him as his brother ; thus 
he used to say : " How is my brother ? " Mahabat 
Khan decided to teach him a lesson. On reaching 
Gujarat, he took his seat in his tent and arranged 
with his foster-brother that when Bahadur Khan was 
there he should, richly clad, and with an aigrette of 
gold stuck in his turban, gallop past on a fine horse, 
acting the braggart, as if on his way to his own 
quarters. Bahadur Khan wondered at this perform- 
ance, and asked who was that mighty warrior. 
Mahabat Khan did not use the man's name, but, 
assuming an innocent air, he said briefly : " These 
foster-brothers are shameless creatures, and have no 
tact in what they do. They fancy that being our 
brothers by milk, they are equal members of our 
house!" Bahadur Khan quite saw the hit, but pre- 
tended not to. Nor by this was he turned from his 
line of conduct. For the proverb is a true one : 
" However many stratagems a man possesses, they 
sooner or later ruin him." 

Two things happened to me during this march. 
The first was that, being dressed in the costume of 
the country, I fastened my gown or cabaya (qaba) 
on the right side as is the fashion of Mahomedans. 
The Hindus fasten theirs on the left. I also went 
with my beard shaved, wearing only moustaches like 
the Rajputs, but without pearls hanging from my ears 
as they have. The Rajput officers wondered at this 
get-up, neither Rajput nor Mahomedan. They asked 
me what religion 1 belonged to. I replied that I was 
of the Christian religion. Once more they asked me if 
I were a Mohamedan Christian or a Hindu Christian 


for they recognise no other religions than these in 
Hindustan. I seized the opportunity to tell them 
a little about our faith. 

The other matter was that one day Rajah Jai Singh 
asked me whether in Europe there were armies, wars, 
and squadrons. I replied to him that the braver}' 
with which the Farangis fought, of which I was an 
example, sufficed to show him that we in Europe knew 
what war and fighting meant. We were accustomed 
to fight in two ways : one by sea, the other by land. 
That upon the sea took place thus : 

A number of planks are joined together by rails in 
the form of a large enclosed house, with many cannon 
in tiers. Entering into the said house, the soldiers 
attach huge cloths to masts, and, driven by the winds, 
these serve to put the said house in motion. The 
course is regulated by a large plank fixed on the 
house, and capable of movement from one side to 
another. In this way, with good matchlocks, pistols, 
and swords, and a sufficient supply of food, of powder, 
and of ball, they set out in search of their enemies. 
When they encounter one, the fight begins with the 
firing of cannon, which breaks the masts or makes 
holes in the said houses, allowing entrance to the 
water. But those who are within assemble and 
with skill plug the hole. For this they always have 
materials read}'. 

Meanwhile some attend to the vessel, and others 
fight without intermission. The dead bodies are 
thrown into the sea, so that they may not hinder 
the fight. Nor are there surgeons wanting to aid 
the wounded, who are carried to a room specially 
set apart. As their courage grows hotter, they bring 
the vessels nearer, emptying all their matchlocks and 
pistols, until at length, the fight waxing still fiercer, 
they grapple one with the other; then the sword- 
blows scatter streams of blood, reddening the sea. 
There being no mode of flight for the fighters, it is 
therefore necessary to conquer or die. Sometimes it 


happens that the captain who is losing, resolving not 
to be overcome, orders all his cannon and other pieces 
to be double-shotted. He then sets fire to the ship's 
magazine of powder ; thus he destroys himself along 
with the others. The rajah wondered at such a mode 
of warfare, and it seemed to him very hard and cruel 
that a man, if he did not want to defend himself, could 
not even run away. 

The other mode of fighting was on land. There the 
foot soldiers were separated from the squadrons of 
horse, and all had their matchlocks and swords. 
Those who were mounted had good carbines, pistols, 
and swords. When I was giving this account, finding 
some pikes or spears there, I exhibited how the spear- 
men stood in front of the companies to hinder the 
cavalry from getting in and throwing into disorder the 
well-ordered ranks of the infantry. Thus the battle 
would commence with great order and discipline, the 
cavalry helping wherever it was necessary to repress 
an onslaught of the enemy. Many a thing did we tell 
him of our fighting in the open country. Upon this 
he set to laughing, assuming us to have no horses in 
our country, and thus we could know nothing of fight- 
ing on horseback. 

For this reason we agreed, I and Luis Beigao, a 
French surgeon, Guilherme (William), an Englishman, 
and Domingo de Saa, a Portuguese, who had formerly 
been a cavalry soldier in Portugal, to give the next 
morning during the march, and in the rajah's presence, 
a demonstration of our mode of fighting on horseback. 
We rode out with our carbines, two pistols in our 
holsters, and two in our waistbelts, and carrying our 
swords. We rode two and two, and began to career 
about, our horses being excellent. Then first of all 
we skirmished with the carbine, and after some circling 
and recircling, letting off our pistols we made pretence 
of flight and pursuit. Then, turning round and making 
a half-circle, the fugitive attacked the pursuer and let 
off his pistol. Thus we went on till all our charges 


were fired off of course without bullets. Then laying 
hand upon our swords, we made gestures as if giving 
sword-cuts, which the others parried. 

The rajah, who was on his elephant, halted, and 
when our display was finished we rode up and made 
our bow. He asked what meant these excursions and 
alarms. I replied that purposely we had done this to 
let him see that we knew how to fight on horseback 
in the European way. He asked me several times if 
really they fought like that in Europe. I answered 
that this was only a small specimen. We would show 
him sport when it came to reality, observing the same 
order ; and if there were on the field dead men or 
horses we should ride over them as if riding on a 
carpet, and make no account of them. He praised our 
way of fighting, saying he thought it a sound mode of 
warfare, and he should like to form a troop of Euro- 
pean cavalry if I could obtain them. I answered that 
it was not easy to get so many men in Hindustan who 
had been trained in our wars. He then gave us our 
leave with a good present, and thenceforth thought 
more of European nations, who, if it were not for their 
drinking habits, would be held in high estimation, 
and could aid our kings to carry out some project 
in those lands. 

While this embassy (to Persia) was in progress, we 
were marching onwards to the city of Aurangabad, on 
reaching which we joined Shah 'Alam. Sending for 
me, Rajah Jai Singh ordered me to go as envoy to the 
three rajahs that is to say, Ramanagar (Ramnagar), 
Pentt (Pent), and Chottia (Chiutia), who are petty 
rajahs among the Hindus, and the Portuguese call 
them kings of the Colles (? Kolis). It was through 
their lands that Shiva Ji passed on his way to attack 
Surat. Rajah Jai Singh gave me a set of robes and a 
horse, and sent with me thirty troopers and infantry, 
also a considerable sum for expenses. My orders 
were to go to these rajahs, and tell them they must 
give their word not to take the side of Shiva Ji, nor 


allow him passage. He (Jai Singh) must declare war 
against them in the name of the Mogul emperor, if 
they did not take up arms against Shiva Ji and em- 
brace the cause of Aurangzeb. As security for their 
promise they must come in themselves, or send their 
sons to attend on the court, where they would be 
assigned pay and rank befitting their condition. 

I took my departure on this deputation, and the 
first person I visited was the Rajah of Ramanagar, 
whose territories lie amidst frightful hills and gloomy 
forests. I was well received by this rajah, who invited 
me to take a rest while he deliberated on what he 
thought it was best to do. I amused myself mean- 
while going out to shoot and fish ; nor did the rajah 
fail in providing pastimes in the nature of plays and 
games. Meanwhile he was corresponding with the 
other two rajahs, whether they thought it suited them 
to take the Mogul side against Shiva Ji. I was not 
backward in making promises and using threats, 
according as I considered it appropriate. Sometimes 
I put myself into a passion and demanded an answer, 
else I would be off. In the end the rajah chose the 
side of Aurangzeb, giving me a horse and a sword. 
He made over to me his son in confirmation of his 

I then went to the second rajah, where I was re- 
ceived in a friendly manner, and treated just as I had 
been at the first place. He petitioned for time, feign- 
ing that he had not had time to write to the others. 
Here I received many honours according to their 
custom dances, plays, and the chase. Finally he too 
gave me a horse and a sword, and delivered to me his 
son to be conducted to court. But this tall and 
robust young man died on the journey, by reason of 
the great heat of the sun, which inflamed his blood 
He would not agree to be bled, as I counselled, he 
not trusting me. 

Next I proceeded to the third rajah, who showed 
himself recalcitrant. But finding I was determined, 


he set to work to conciliate me. Not having any sons, 
he made over to me his brother to be taken to court 
with me; he then bestowed on me a sword and a 
horse, and bade me farewell. It happened that at this 
time he was fighting the Portuguese of Damao 
(Daman), so I arranged matters and persuaded them 
to make peace. 

Here two things happened to me that I wish to 
recount, so that inquiring persons may learn that 
these people are much given to sorcery. I had a 
handsome horse that Rajah Jai Singh had given me. 
The Rajah of Chottia (Chiutia), took a fancy to this 
horse, and requested me to sell it to him ; he would 
pay me one thousand rupees. I was not willing ; but 
when it was time for my departure the horse had lost 
the use of its legs, and was unable to move. I waited 
for eight days without any good, when the rajah sent 
me word that, though the horse was damaged, he 
would still give me one thousand rupees. In a rage I 
started from the place, telling my people that if within 
twenty-four hours the horse could not move, to cut his 
throat and bring the hide to me. Finding me so 
resolute, the rajah sent me one thousand two hundred 
rupees, beseeching me not to order the horse's throat 
to be cut, but to content myself with the present, and 
he would keep the horse in remembrance of me. I 
contented myself with taking the twelve hundred 
rupees, knowing quite well that if I did not, I should 
lose both horse and rupees. 

Another affair happened to me on this return 
journey to the camp with the hostages. It was thus : 
One of my servants passing through a field of radishes, 
stretched out his hand to pluck one out of the ground, 
when his hand adhered in such a fashion to the radish 
that he could not take it away. It was necessary to 
find the owner of the field to get him liberated. This 
was done, and after taking something as a bribe, and 
giving him a beating, the owner recited some words 
and the man was freed. I could never sufficiently 


state to what an extent the Hindus and Mahomedans 
in India are in the habit of practising witchcraft. I 
quite well know that if I were to recount that they 
can even make a cock crow in the belly of the man 
who stole and ate it, no credit would be given to me. 
Nevertheless, the truth is that many a time I heard 
the crowing in different cases, and of such instances I 
was told over and over again. 

A few days after my arrival Shiva Jf gave himself up 
and came into our camp. Since I went at night to 
converse and play (cards) with the rajah whenever he 
so desired, it happened one night during this period 
that we were having a game, the rajah, his Brahman, 
and I, when in came Shiva Ji. We all rose up, and 
Shiva Ji, seeing me, a youth well favoured of body, 
whom he had not beheld on other occasions, asked 
Rajah Jai Singh of what country I was the rajah. Jai 
Singh replied that I was a Farangi rajah. He won- 
dered at such an answer, and said that he also had in 
his service many Farangfs, but they were not of this 
style. Rajah Jai Singh wanted to do me honour, and 
responded that as a rule Nature made a distinction 
between the great and the humble, and I being a rajah, 
she had given me a mind and a body very different 
from those of others. I rose to my feet as a mark of 
recognition for the compliment, and made the appro- 
priate obeisance. This was the opening which afforded 
me occasion many times to converse with Shiva Ji, 
since I possessed, like anyone else in the camp, the 
Persian and Hindustan languages. I gave him informa- 
tion about the greatness of European kings, he being 
of opinion that there was not in Europe any other 
king than the King of Portugal. I also talked to him 
about our religion. 

During this advance and retreat there was with our 
army the Father Damiao Vieira, a Portuguese expelled 
by the Jesuit Fathers. The cause of his appearance 
was that during our stay below the fortress of Punagar 
(? Puna-garh) the Hindus of Chawal came to complain 


to Rajah Jai Singh that the Portuguese were seizing 
forcibly the sons of the Hindus and making them 
Christians. This made the rajah angry, for he was 
zealous in the Hindu faith, and he made preparations 
to send a force against Chawal. 

On becoming aware of this I gave notice, there and 
then, to Ignacio Sermento at Bassain. He was chief of 
the northern territory of the Portuguese, which extends 
to Damao (Daman). I requested him to send someone 
as envoy with some presents, and I would arrange 
matters. He sent this padre, with a young Mahomedan 
in his suite. He brought this youth expressly to get 
from him half of what he might acquire, as being well 
acquainted with the territories of Chawal. He was 
clever enough to secure the rajah's taking this young 
man into his service, and thus they shared the pay in 
a brotherly manner. I spoke to the rajah and pointed 
out to him that there was no occasion for the Hindus 
of Chawal to complain, since what the Portuguese 
were doing had gone on certainly for a hundred years, 
nor did they make Christians of anyone but orphans 
who had no relations forthcoming. 

The padre was not content with having accomplished 
his mission with somewhat of honour, but he must 
needs enter on warlike proposals. He promised the 
rajah that he would so manage that the viceroy of Goa 
should give aid to the Moguls, in the acquisition of 
Bijapur. Over and over again I told the padre that it 
was not a good thing to enter into such matters, that 
he had much better withdraw to Goa. For the King 
of Bijapur was a better neighbour to the Portuguese 
than the King of the Moguls would ever be. The latter 
having conquered Bijapur, would next try to take Goa. 
The padre was not pleased with my views, and com- 
plained to the rajah, so that the rajah said to me one 
day, without giving a reason, that I should avoid 
meeting the padre. After the business had been 
settled, I received from the Portuguese a certificate 
signed by Ignacio Sermento, wherein he swore on the 



Holy Evangelists that I had done great service to the 
Crown of Portugal. 

We got to Bfjapur as I said, and there we beheld the 
miracles that the padre had promised us. We were to 
take Bijapur with the greatest ease, whereas it all but 
happened that Sharzah Khan broke all our heads. 
Therefore, finding, after we had retreated, that we 
were going into quarters, I began to long for a life 
among Christians ; and I was disgusted at the conduct 
of the padre, who continued to live on in the army. I 
asked the rajah for leave to resign, as I wanted to 
return to my country, and I put forward as excuse 
that I wanted to get married, They never refuse 
anyone leave when it is with that object. The rajah 
asked his Brahman and the astrologers, with whom 
these princes are always well provided, if he 
should ever see me again. They replied that we 
should never meet again. He believed that I was 
doomed to die, but he reckoned badly, for while I 
got back to the Mogul country, he was left dead far 
from home. 

On my taking leave he gave me a set of robes, and 
something by way of a present. Upon quitting the 
army I went into a village belonging to the Portuguese 
called Camba (Kambe) close to Galiani (Kaliyam) and 
Beundi (Bhiwandi) in the country of Shiva Ji. In this 
village are made many things of wood handsome 
chairs, sideboards, bedsteads, and different playthings. 
Here I stayed for several days, at the request of a 
friend of mine, who was the owner of the village, and 
he kept me in his house until he had stolen some gold 
coins I had. Thence I made for Bassaim (Bassain, 
Wasai), a Portuguese town, there to pass Lent, and I 
lived outside the town. I was very near losing my 
life here. A gentleman (fidalgo) asked me about some 
fidalgos of the Mello family, then living in the Mogul 
country, who had been banished for putting to death 
two brothers named Medoncas (? Mendoza), brothers- 
in-law of the questioner, on the accusation of treason 

AT GOA 135 

to the Portuguese Crown. I had no idea that he was 
an enemy of these fugitives, and I replied that they 
were men of worth and honoured gentlemen. This 
sufficed to set him plotting against me, and he sent out 
men to assassinate me. But it was God's pleasure that, 
when coming out of the town on my horse, I should 
meet some gentlemen, who requested me to put my 
horse to speed, which I did most vigorously. With a 
pleasantry I took my leave of them, and spurred my 
horse into a gallop, though it was already tired out ; 
getting my sword out of its scabbard, it was as much 
as I could do to get hold of it, seeing that my horse 
would hardly let me. 

But here we must admire God's providence, who had 
resolved on saving me. Here was I galloping my 
horse, sword in hand, when I came up with four men 
at a corner round which I had to pass. They stood 
there waiting for me with naked swords ready to slay 
me. But guessing that I had been already warned, 
and was coming at them, resolved to fight to the death, 
they were in fear and allowed me to pass without 
hindrance. I was subsequently informed that he who 
had laid this plot for me was the fidalgo to whom I 
had praised the Mellos. Thus fearing that he would 
lose no occasion of executing his evil intent, I left for 
Goa, and there I arrived in the month of May, one 
thousand six hundred and sixty-six (1666). Of the 
place itself I shall have much to say presently, but the 
reader must first permit me to say something about 
my own stay there. 

I did not obtain there what I sought, for I found 
myself in a place where treachery is great and pre- 
valent, where there is little fear of God and no con- 
cern for strangers. Not that I can complain myself 
of ill-treatment, for the viceroy desired to honour 
me with the command of a war-galley ; but since I 
had many necessary expenses, and I was not rich 
enough to take upon myself the payment of the 
soldiers and sailors from my own pocket, I declined. 


My advice to the viceroy was that he should take 
great care not to let the Mogul become master of 
Bijapur, for, on finding an opportunity, he would 
use all his strength to take Goa, as was his usual 

As I had need of money for expenses, I went several 
times to the General Ignacio Sermento, to ask for the 
three hundred rupees which he continued to owe me 
for certain articles that he had asked me to send him 
when I was in the Mogul country. Never could I 
succeed in getting what was due. At length, when 
he was about to start for his government of Mozam- 
bique , I begged him to make me a gift of the three 
hundred rupees at any rate, under the name of alms. 
As a foreigner, I had no remedy against him, and when 
he heard me ask for charity he ordered the sum to be 
paid me. Thus is it the custom of certain of these 
gentlemen to pay their debts after wearying out their 
creditors. I was very fortunate. Others, in place of 
collecting the money they have lent, have lost a limb, 
or even their life. I do not want to talk of that, for 
those who are curious may ask the Portuguese them- 
selves; there are among them men of sincerity, as 
there are in other nations ; such men can tell them 
more than I dare to write about the Portuguese of 

I stopped in Goa a year and three months. It is 
a place with a climate suited to men from forty up 
to old age, but it is very unhealthy for young men. 
Thus, a few months after my arrival, I fell ill, and 
could never recover my health. Therefore I retired 
to the convent of the Italian Carmelite priests, where 
I was well received and attended to for six months, 
during which I continued unwell. 

The viceroy, when I arrived, was Antonio de Mello 
de Castro, who died afterwards a prisoner in Portugal, 
through good works of thieving, et cetera, of which 
he had been guilty in India. To replace him came Joao 


Nunes da Cunha ; and this new governor, as soon as 
he arrived, undertook a great expedition. He kept 
his object secret, and it would have resulted in great 
honour to the Portuguese if those who were envious 
of his earning this glory had not impeded its execution. 
There came from Masqat, a fortress on the Arabian 
coast formerly belonging to the Portuguese, which 
by their negligence they lost, when it passed into 
the hands of an Arabian prince there came, I say, 
from this fortress to Goa a Portuguese named 
Andre da Andrada, who was commander of artillery 
there, and passed for a Mahomedan. This man 
pledged his word to the new viceroy to deliver 
over the fortress if a strong fleet appeared before 
it by sea, and to secure that end he would spike 
the guns. 

The viceroy took up the proposal, and hired a 
strong fleet of good ships and frigates for this service. 
But he let no one know what he meant to do, and 
from this secrecy the Dutch dreaded some sudden 
blow to them, as J:hey could not find out what such 
preparations were meant for. By the distribution of 
copious bribes in all directions they won over several 
of the officers. The viceroy, being desirous of equip- 
ping his ships well, ordered the embarkation by force 
of every valid man, compelled the better class of 
Portuguese from the northern parts to come to Goa, 
and directed that no one should be allowed to quit the 
place. Thus, when the ships were well fitted out, 
he made over sealed instructions to the captains with 
the order not to open them until arrival at a certain 

Thus the fleet set sail without anyone knowing its 
destination. But the bribed pilots and captains sailed 
hither and thither with the ships without overcoming 
the contrary winds until they reached the appointed 
latitude, where the letters of instruction were opened ; 
and some of them managed secretly to tamper with 
the water-casks, so that all the water was lost. The 


fault was put upon the viceroy, who, in his desire for 
haste, had not given time to prepare the ships properly. 
Thus there put into port only one frigate, which, in 
obedience to orders, anchored at Bandar Congo, on 
the Arabian coast, a Portuguese territory that now 
belongs to the King of Persia. There it waited 
some time for its companions, until it was obliged to 
return to Goa to avoid capture by those of Masqat, 
who profited by the treason. 

At the time of this expedition I was anxious to quit 
Goa, but I could not do it in lay clothing. I therefore 
left in the garb of a Carmelite monk until I got beyond 
the district of Goa and had entered the territory of 
Bijapur, of which Shiva Jt had already taken posses- 
sion. There 1 returned to my ordinary costume, and 
placed myself under the guidance of Divine Provi- 
dence. I prayed God to deliver me from many perils, 
above all from robbers ; for, a little time before my 
arrival, they had at a certain place murdered fifteen 
persons. Nor did they murder me as I passed by, but 
when they might have done it they saw me to be 
poor and a foreigner. A few paces farther on I met 
a traveller near some cattle sheds, who was escaping 
in haste, and he warned me to press onwards because 
the people following us were robbers ; but, weakened 
by illness, I could not keep up with the pace of the 
man who was acting as my guide in a country I did 
not know. I passed several chungams, which are 
places where they collect money from people passing. 
The seventy they exercise upon travellers is great, 
depriving them of the smallest piece of money to be 
found on them, with no tenderness for the poor, 
taking from them in default of money their shirts, 
coats, and sheets. 

Having come to the boundary of the Bijapur terri- 
tory near the river Bimbra (Bhima), I stopped for the 
night in a village called Pandarapur (Pandharpur), and 
on my arrival I took up my quarters in a public bazar, 
as is the custom of travellers, and deposited myself 


in an open shop. Some people passing said my 
waist-cloth was crammed with pearls. I answered 
that I was only a poor traveller. God was good to 
me that night ! For at midnight the robbers entered 
the village, and the first thing they did was to come 
to the shop where I had put up. As they began by 
throwing stones, I sought refuge inside, dragging 
with me a servant boy whom I had with me, to prevent 
his being killed. They did not venture inside, but 
shouted to me to fling out whatever I had, thrusting 
with their spears and cutting with their swords at the 
door. I assured them that I could fling nothing out, 
for I was a poor man, having nothing with me. Such 
was the terror that throttled me that I could not utter 
a word, for I remembered what had been said to me 
that evening, that I had a waist-belt full of pearls, and 
I believed that they had come resolved to take my life ; 
therefore I threw out two chains, each of which might 
be worth some fifty rupees. They made off, robbing 
the bazar and killing people, so that there was great 
tribulation in the village. 

Not considering myself safe in that shop, I sallied 
forth, and traversing the streets I reached a house 
where I halted, and finding the door open I ascended 
some steps and reached a terraced roof. Here I 
fancied myself in security. But the owner of the 
house, who had heard the outcry in the village, came 
out of his room with sword and shield. On seeing me, 
he ordered me roughly to make my way downstairs. 
I told him I was a foreigner who had fled from the 
bazar, where the thieves had robbed me, and to save 
my life had taken refuge there, finding the door open. 
This did not persuade him to let me remain, but he 
insisted on my departing. I was content that he even 
let me go unharmed, for on hearing his first talk I 
feared much he was about to finish what the robbers 
had begun. 

I now went to the steps of a temple, where many 
persons had taken shelter out of the way of the arrows 


flying about the streets and the sword-blows being 
distributed in all directions. Nor was it without some 
trouble that I got in even there. Next a Brahman 
refused to let me stop, thrusting me forth by force. 
But God repaid him for his want of charity, for while 
he was interfering with me, there came an arrow and 
hit him on the leg, and I was rid of him. The thieves 
withdrew, and I, too, found a refuge again in the bazar, 
but not in the same shop, for I feared greatly they 
might come there once again. I spent the night in 
the discomfort that everyone can imagine. At dawn, 
feeling much afflicted, I chewed a clove, washing it 
down with a little warm water, whereupon I vomited 
several clots of thickened blood, and felt relieved. 

I continued my journey up to the crossing on the 
river (? the Bhima). Although it is wide, there were 
no boats ; I crossed seated on a small bedstead 
attached to the tops of four pots. I then reached 
Paranda (Parenda) in the Mogul territory, where I 
came across my friends of the fortress of Bhakkar. 
They took compassion on my poverty, regaled me, 
succoured me with money, clothes, and a mount, on 
which I resumed my travels and arrived at Auran- 

Travelling is a teacher of many things, and he who 
wanders without learning anything can only be said 
to have the head of an ass. The horse given me by 
Manoel Ribeiro at Parenda had only arrived a few 
days before from Dihli, a journey of forty-six days, 
and it was thus much out of condition. It happened 
one day that my servant opened his bag in which he 
had a nutmeg, and by carelessness he left this nut on 
the ground, and the horse ate it. Next day on 
mounting, I noticed ithat he was much more lively 
in his gait. I did not know the cause of this fresh- 
ness, then I remembered that he had eaten a nut the 
night before, and I concluded that must be the cause. 
Nor was I wrong, for on giving him each day one nut, 
he became ever more ready and clever. 


After my arrival in Aurangabad I lived retired. 
This was the time at which, as I have related, Shah 
'Alam was busy trying to get hold of Shiva Jf, and I 
was informed of the friar's death in the way I have 
recounted. I went on through Burhanpur, where I 
found several friends among the servants of Jai Singh, 
all disconsolate at the death of that great general. I 
felt his death very much, although I had no intention 
of re-entering his service, for I wanted to start as a 
doctor. Thence I went on to Agrah, where I visited 
the Jesuit Fathers, and reported to them what was 
going on at Goa. 1 did not stay long, but passed on to 
Dihli. Thereupon, on learning of my arrival, there 
was no fail of women who proposed marriage to me 
and sent me cloth, and money, and banquets of food. 
One of them sent me fifty gold coins and a horse, and 
handsome stuff to make me clothes. I went to see 
Kirat Singh, the younger son of Rajah Jai Singh, who 
in remembrance of the great affection his father held 
me in, and which he continued to give me, gave me a 
set of robes, two horses, and five rupees every day, 
and a handsome house to live in. By this means, 
those envious of my good fortune, who had expected 
to see me under the necessity of applying to them for 
my expenses, knowing that I was out of service, were 
in amazement at seeing me well dressed, owning 
horses, and keeping servants. Any foreigner who is 
out of employment can only subsist in a miserable 
fashion in that country. 

I lived in Dilh! one year in splendid style, having 
honourable means of making money. Then, by the 
king's order, Kirat Singh went to Kabul, and I deter- 
mined to move to Lahor and give myself out as a 
doctor. I could not start this at Dihli, where there 
were already some Europeans, while in Lahor there 
was none. 

On reaching Lahor I found that Muhammad Amin 
Khan was governor, Aurangzeb having kept his 
promise to make him viceroy. As soon as I arrived 


I put up in the sarae with my grand carpets and my 
petty establishment, until I could find a house. I 
hired one belonging to Barqandaz Khan, my com- 
mander in Dara's time, and 1 instructed my servants 
to inform everyone that I was a Farangf doctor. 
Through this many came to talk with me, and in 
return I had no want of words, God having given me 
a sufficiently mercurial temperament. Thus it began 
to be noised about in Lahor that a Frank doctor had 
arrived, a man of fine manners, eloquent speech, and 
great experience. I rejoiced at such a reputation, but 
my heart beat fast, for then I had had no experience. 
It pleased God our Sovereign Lord to open the 
door to me with a case furnished to me by His Divine 

There came to me in the house where I had settled 
an old woman, who told me that the wife of the qazi 
was very ill, and given up by all the Persian and 
Indian physicians. She requested the favour of my 
proceeding to the qazi's house to see the woman, and 
decide whether there was any cure, for all the doctors 
had said that if anyone cured her they would burn all 
their books and profess themselves disciples of him 
who cured her. I put several questions about the 
illness of the woman ; I told the messenger to return 
home, and I would follow, saying that although the 
complaint seemed mortal, I would see if there was any 

I mounted my horse and rode to the qdzi's house, 
followed by my servants. Entering the house, I felt 
the patient's pulse. The attack was growing more 
and more severe, and no pulse could be felt, nor 
could I find out the seat of the disease. I trusted 
more to several secret experiments I knew, and to 
my questions. I racked my brains to think of some- 
thing I could give the patient that might do her good. 
I asked her if she had been relieved, and they told 
me that for days she did not know what thing a 
motion was. This sufficed for me to start my treat- 


ment, and I told the old woman that the only thing 
was to administer a clyster. The old woman and 
the patient's son were much opposed to this, the 
Mahomedans having objections to this treatment. But 
the patient was already speechless. I said : " Agar 
zarurat bayad, rawa bakhshad" that is : " Necessity has 
no law," which are words of the Quran. Thus they 
gave in to my resorting to this treatment, and I told 
the old woman to come to my house in a few hours, 
and I would give her all that was required for the 

I came forth from this house leaving an excellent 
impression from my many questions and my copious 
flow of talk. But now came the moment when our 
Nicolao Manuchy found himself in a difficulty. For 
I knew not what ingredients I must employ, nor to 
what implements I must have recourse for this won- 
derful operation. After much searching of heart, 
I remembered that the enemas administered to me 
at Goa were concocted of mallows, wild endive, and 
some other herbs, with a trifle of bran, black sugar, 
salt, olive oil, and Canna fistula. I sent out for these 
things, and made a concoction. But the greatest 
difficulty was to get the instrument. For this I sent 
and got a cow's udder, and for the tube I took a 
piece of cane from a huqqah snake, through which 
the Mahomedans draw their tobacco. I managed to 
put these together in a manner that would serve. 
1 placed the concoction into the udder, and fastened 
the tube to it. Then the old woman came, and to 
her I made over the injection, teaching her how 
she was to deal with it. I enjoined on her to 
come and inform me when the operation had been 

I declared to her that if in a period of three hours 
the enema did not take effect, the patient had no hope 
of life. It was advisable for me to make this assertion, 
since should the patient die, I could say that I had 
foretold the result as inevitable. This was necessary 


to keep my reputation intact. Off went the old 
woman, and my heart began to beat hard, not know- 
ing what effect the medicine might have. Soon I 
heard a knocking at my door as by one in haste. My 
anxiety was redoubled. It might be the news of the 
patient's death, through which I should lose the repu- 
tation that I was in search of. For the Mahomedans 
easily assign one a reputation, and as easily take it 
away. A happy cure at the start suffices to give the 
greatest credit, even if the cure be a mere accident. 
On the contrary, if there is a failure in the first 
case, even when the doctor is exceedingly learned 
and experienced, it suffices to prevent him ever being 

I sent to have the door opened, when the old 
woman fell at my feet and gave me blessings, telling 
me that the patient had already begun to mend. 
Thus she urgently prayed me to visit the qazi's 
house to see the patient and continue the cure. 
Proud and elated by this news, I told her how 
necessary it was to confide in experienced physi- 
cians, that if I had not given her this medicament 
composed of ingredients known alone to me the 
patient was bound to die. I went and found that 
the patient had already begun to speak and recognise 
everyone who was present. She was very different 
from what she had been for some days, for they 
told me that she knew no one and could not speak. 
1 thought it advisable to discharge nature further, so 
I gave her a light medicine, continuing it daily, until 
the system was well cleansed. Then, with chicken- 
broth and bezoar stone, I began to strengthen the 
patient in such a way that in a few days she was 
restored to perfect health. 

This case became notorious among the principal 
men in Lahor, for this wife was much loved by her 
husband the qazi^ so that he had called in all the 
physicians to treat her disease. Thus there began 
to be talk of the Farang! doctor who was capable of 


resuscitating the dead. This caused me to be called 
in by many sick persons ; and by adhering to certain 
books I had, I succeeded by God's favour in almost 
every case in which I was sent for. 

My fame reached the court of Muhammad Amin 
Khan, governor of the city and viceroy of the province 
of Lahor. He sent for me, and, after a long conversa- 
tion on the subject of diseases and good health, he 
wanted to make me take service with him, offering 
me little pay, but great liberty. But I knew the style 
of man very haughty, far from genial, just like the 
character of his father, Mir Jumlah. So that I said 
that as to becoming his servant I objected ; still I 
should not fail to appear at the palace whenever 
necessary, either for himself or for those of his family. 
He was a little put out by my answer, but I paid no 
attention to that, for I was already on friendly terms 
with the chief people in the city, and by God's bles- 
sing my practice was successful. Thus I knew of 
a certainty that, in spite of Muhammad Amin Khan's 
desire to do me an injury, he would never dare. He 
would not give such an opening to the other nobles 
to make complaint of him at the court of Dihli. On 
the other hand, although he was much aggrieved at 
my not frequenting his audiences, he betrayed no 
anger, for he saw I was of use for attending his wives 
and sons. There happened to me a terrible business 
at the time of his departure from Lahor for Kabul 

This was the year in which Muhammad Amin Khan 
gave me a lot of annoyance, for, having been ordered 
by the king to Kabul, as governor in place of Mahabat 
Khan, he wanted to take me with him by force. I 
made my excuses, saying I did not wish to leave 

He left with his retinue, and finding that neither by 
promises nor by threats could I be made to follow 
him, he ordered me to be carried off by force. Thus I 
travelled with him for three days as far as Little 


Gujarat, crossing the river of Lahor and the river 
Chinab. He acted thus not only from his desire to 
keep me, but also because his wife so willed it. She 
went the length of unveiling before me her daughter's 
face (a most unusual thing among them), and said to 
me that if I would not go for her sake, at the least I 
might for her daughter's, whom I had brought back 
to health when she was very ill. I had come thus far, 
but never forsook the project I intended to carry out ; 
for he who serves by compulsion can never be satis- 
fied. Thus, the marches being at night on account of 
the heat, I turned back without saying a word to any- 
one except an Englishman, whom I told I was going 
to the town of Little Gujarat to buy some medicines, 
and if Muhammad Amin Khan should ask him about 
me, he was to give that answer. 

That nobleman had given an order, that no one was 
to be allowed to cross to the other side of the river, 
permitting nothing to remain on our side except the 
ferry boat, for conveying the couriers to and from the 
court ; but I so took my measures that this boat was 
forced to carry me across, for, as I approached, I sent 
my servants to take possession of the boat and keep 
it until I arrived. I came up and ordered the boat- 
men to convey me across, pretending I was a courier 
from Mahabat Khan to the court. As soon as I had 
passed the river it began to dawn, and I met a body 
of Muhammad Amin Khan's people. When they 
asked me where I was going, I answered angrily that 
Mirza 'Abdullah being unwell the prince had sent me 
to treat him. Thus I got past them. I reached Lahor 
by fast travelling before he could overtake me on the 

But Muhammad Amin Khan planned a piece of 
treachery for my destruction. This consisted in writ- 
ing to Gitar, commander of the fort and provisional 
governor, to his own agent (? wakil], to the kotwal, and 
to the gdzi, requiring them to forward me to his camp. 
If I refused, they were to charge me with having 


stolen from him five lakhs of rupees. They knew 
quite well it was a false accusation, but Muhammad 
Amin Khan being a great man, they did not hesitate 
to do everything possible to have me seized. But I 
was not asleep, and I was tolerably versed in 
Mahomedan tricks, for they stick at nothing to gain 
success in their desires. Therefore I did not stay in- 
side Lahor at my house, but hid myself in the gardens, 
moving about from one place to another in disguise. 
This went on for forty days, and proclamation was 
made, that anyone knowing where I was hid and dis- 
covering me, would be highly rewarded, and whoever 
concealed me in his house would be compelled to pay 
the five lakhs of rupees robbed by me from Muham- 
mad Amin Khan. 

At this time Fida,e Khan, who was to succeed 
Muhammad Amin Khan as governor, was approaching. 
He was his predecessor's enemy. In advance of his 
own arrival he sent two hundred cavalry, conveying 
letters to the provisional governor, the kotwdl, and the 
qazi, telling them to carry on the government in his 
name until he should arrive. At each court of justice 
was posted one of Fida,e Khan's troopers to act as 
witness, and verify everything that took place. When 
I knew this I came boldly into Lahor, and had an 
interview with the trooper who attended the kotwdl's 
court, also with the man posted at the deputy gover- 
nor's, telling them my story. Both men pledged me 
their word that they would help me, but I told them 
not to take action until they saw me being taken 
away by force to Muhammad Amin Khan. Secure of 
their aid if anything happened to me, I returned to 
my house. The kotwdl and the other officials were in 
fear of Muhammad Amin Khan, so the kotwdl sent for 
me and locked me up in prison, and three times on 
three different days he asked me in public audience 
whether I would willingly go to Muhammad Amin 
Khan or not. On my saying resolutely that I would 
not go, he said that as Muhammad Amin Khan had 


accounts to go into with me, I must be forced to go. 
My reply was that I had no sort of account with him, 
nor knew I aught about his jewels, for I was no 
official of his household, but only a Frank surgeon to 
whom jewels would not be made over. Seeing me 
thus firm, he too spoke resolutely, at the instigation 
of Muhammad Amfn Khan's wakil, declaring that I 
must absolutely go. 

They had already removed me from the audience, 
and were making me mount into a carriage prepared 
for that purpose, when the trooper whom I had 
already made my friend, announced openly, that if 
they wished to send me they might, but hereafter 
Fida,e Khan would have something to say to them, 
he having given special instructions for Hakim Nicco- 
lao, the Frank, to be looked after, he being his (Fida,e 
Khan's) private doctor. He called on everyone to 
bear witness, how he had made requisition on his 
master's behalf. Upon hearing this the kotwal got 
into a fright and sent for me once more, and said to 
me in a loud voice that the trooper had made requisi- 
tion on behalf of Fida,e Khan, but the law demanded 
that at the very least I should produce bail for m}' 
person, so as to be able afterwards to justify itself 
against a claim by Muhammad Amfn Khan. 

Sureties were not wanting who, knowing the truth, 
were willing to bind themselves for me. But neither 
the kotwal nor the wakll would accept them as bail, 
warning them that in this way they would have to 
defend themselves from Muhammad Amm Khan, a 
violent and powerful man. Thus it came to pass, that 
all of them were afraid to do what they wished, until 
at last a Hindu turned up, who, in defiance of Muham- 
mad Amfn Khan, became surety, I giving him an 
indemnity, and thus I was free. 

Meanwhile Mirza $alih, the son of Fida,e Khan, 
arrived. I visited him and paid my respects, having 
beforehand had some good words said to him about 
me, for 1 was tolerably well known in Lahor. In this 


way, when Fida,e Khan himself subsequently arrived, 
he (Mirza Salih) presented me to his father, by 
whom I was well received. I presented to him a box 
full of an electuary. He sent for the kotwal, and told 
him to take good care that no one interfered with me, 
and he also gave me his word to be favourable to me. 
This, of a truth, he was as long as he lived, and that 
too in things of great importance. 


He (Aurangzeb) ordered, as I have said, that poison 
should be given to him secretly ; and, since he was 
on his way to Lahor, they told the king there was 
in that city a Frank physician who might cure him. 
For this reason there came to me a letter without any 
name, which stated that in no way must I afford aid 
to Mahabat Khan. He who brought me the letter, 
a man unknown to me, took me by the hand, and, 
pressing it, said I must pay great heed to the letter, 
and not to act to the contrary, and then off he went. 

Knowing that Mahabat Khan was on his way, and 
being on friendly terms, I sent out to him a present 
of some good spirits, that I had prepared myself. His 
doctor, who had the order to give him the poison, 
seized the opportunity for my ruin and his own pre- 
servation. On the day that the Nawab drank my wine 
he gave him the poison in an elixir, such as the 
Mahomedans are accustomed to take. Mahabat Khan 
found himself troubled with sharp pains, and suspected 
that there must be poison in my spirits, and that I had 
acted thus at the instigation of Fida,e Khan, his enemy. 
He sent to fetch me in the greatest haste, just as I 
was ready to go out for a stroll. At once I suspected 
something. I jumped on my horse and went off to 
him, he being eighteen leagues away. 

Entering the tent, I found everyone in astonish- 
ment, for they had the idea that I would never come, 
being, as they asserted, the culprit. He ordered the 
tent to be prepared for me, and a good supper, sending 


to entertain me several of his nephews, great friends 
of mine ; also a captain called Mirak Ata-ullah. This 
man was to spy upon me, and see if I spoke with 
any sign of fear or surprise ; but, as I was quite 
innocent, I spoke in my usual manner. Next morning 
1 went to see Mahabat Khan again, and I asked him 
if he had tested the spirits that I had sent, and he said 
he had. Thereupon I prayed the favour of his giving 
me a drink of it. They brought me the bottle from 
which he had drank. I drank, and after I had done so 
I gave some to his nephews, who praised the liquor. I 
did this to let him be satisfied that it was not my liquor 
that had made him bad, but some other thing. I re- 
mained with him in talk a long time, and he observed 
that the spirits did neither me nor his nephews any 
harm. He then invited me to treat him. I made excuse, 
saying that he was provided with his own doctor, a 
very wise man, and that I was not acquainted with 
that disease. Thus I remained with him nineteen 
days, and he detained me to find out if the spirits we 
drank did any harm, either to me or his nephews. 
He was obliged to let me go without being able to 
find from me whether he had poison in his inside or 
not. At my departure he conferred on me a set of robes, 
and sent the same captain with twenty horsemen to 
escort me, so that his men, who thought me the cause 
of his illness, should not harm me. He died a few 
days afterwards of fetid discharges, a sign that his 
bowels were ulcerated. 

Hardly had I reached Lahor when a terrible affair 
happened. This was that the holy man of Balkh, to 
whom Aurangzeb had married the daughter of Murad 
Bakhsh, went mad. I was treating him as such. But 
Fida.e Khan, being away at Peshawar, Amanat Khan 
was in his place. He listened to the proposals of 
the sorcerers, who said that the holy man was possessed 
by a demon, and not mad. I was obliged to abandon 
the treatment, Amanat Khan being aggrieved that I 
had taken on myself to treat a royal connection with- 


out first of all consulting him. My answer was that, 
being by profession a medical man, I went to the 
house of anyone who sent for me, without making 
any distinctions ; but since he did not approve of my 
continuing the treatment, I would that very hour quit 
the house and the patient. 

It happened that a few days afterwards, the sorcerers 
assuring him that the man was now sane and had no 
longer a demon in his inside, they allowed him to go 
for a walk with the princess and her ladies. Having 
a dagger in his waist-belt, he drew it, and, seizing the 
princess, stabbed her beneath the ribs towards the side. 
When the ladies and the eunuchs, on hearing her 
cries, ran to the spot, he killed one woman with the 
same dagger, and wounded another in the arm. After 
this he jumped into the reservoir, playing (bailando) 
with the dagger, and other obscenities. Then they 
carried away the princess in a palanquin as speedily 
as possible to the palace, and a eunuch came careering 
on horseback to my house. I was urged to make all 
haste ; I knew not why or wherefore. I sent an order 
to harness my carriage for us both to go together. 
But I could not extract from his mouth where it was 
necessary to go, until at last he told me to carry with 
me the remedies for the treatment of a wound that 
the holy man had inflicted on the princess. I protested 
that I could not go without the permission of the 
governor, because the princess was of royal blood, 
nor could I treat her without the king's orders. He 
paid no heed to those words, and most urgently en- 
treated me not to delay, for the princess was in danger 
of death. He then told me the whole story. 

We started in the carriage, and he made out I was 
drunk, ordering the carriage to be driven with all 
speed, stopping for neither hucksters' stalls nor people. 
Everybody was amazed to see a Frank, who usually 
went by rather quietly, rush past so desperately. 
We reached the palace, and, on being told the facts 
as to the wound, I feared a lesion of the bowels. How- 


ever, continuing my inquiries, I found that the wounds 
were not mortal. I did my utmost to get an examina- 
tion before I began the treatment; but the Mahomedans 
are very touchy in the matter of allowing their women 
to be seen, or even touched, by the hand ; above all, 
the lady being of royal blood, it could not be done 
without express permission from the king. Thus an 
examination was impossible. But I ordered them to 
describe the wound, and I had the dagger brought, 
and I saw that it was only by God's grace that it 
had not cut the bowels. I made my tents and plasters, 
mixing in them a balsam which I made ; and, since the 
persons in the service of these great people are in- 
telligent, I instructed them as to what they had to do. 
By God's help the treatment succeeded, and in eleven 
days I healed her completely. 

When for the first time I applied the medicine I 
went to the governor and reported the facts. This 
was to prevent his expressing surprise afterwards, on 
hearing such news, and becoming frightened that the 
king would remark on the want of care with which he 
had guarded a man who had been declared mad. He 
entreated me earnestly to make my best efforts to cure 
the princess. Meanwhile he wrote to the king about 
the case, and told him that a demon had entered the 
body of the holy man, and the princess had been 
mortally wounded with a dagger. But a Frank doctor 
named Hakim Niccolao had attended her, and held 
out hopes that she would be well in a short time. 
This event brought me to the notice of many nobles 
who were in the camp. For on the matter becoming 
public, my friends wrote to their acquaintances, and 
the princess herself, as soon as she was well, wrote to 
the king that 1 had perfectly restored her, and she 
gave me a handsome present. 

Another case occurred which made me famous 
throughout the kingdom. It was as follows: Fida,e 
Khan ordered the beheadal of a powerful rebel, who 
plundered in all directions in the king's territories ; he 


was brother-in-law of the qdzl of Labor. His name 
was Theka Araham (? Thfka,Arain) acl he was 
extremely fat. I thought it was a good chance of 
laying in a stock of human fat, procuring it from the 
man and his companion, who also was very obese. 
I spoke to Fida,e Khan, pointing out the necessity I 
was under of having this medicament. As the oppor- 
tunity was favourable, would he give orders to remove 
the fat from these two condemned men ? He then 
ordered the kotwal to have this done, and in com- 
pliance with the order, men were sent to carry out 
the operation. I thus acquired eighteen sirs that is, 
five hundred and four ounces purified. 

This matter caused great talk in the city, and the 
qazi, assembling many of the learned, sent men to 
complain to the king against Fida,e Khan, for pro- 
tecting a Frank. On his behalf he had committed the 
sacrilege of removing the fat of a Mahomedan, a man 
who read the Quran and yet had been thus afflicted. 
According to the strict law the Frank deserved to be 
burnt, but as Fida.e Khan declined to listen to argu- 
ment, they were forced to come to His Majesty to 
present a complaint and demand justice. 

I was warned of the plot, and spoke to Fida,e Khan 
about the qazi's intentions. He sent at once a 
messenger to court, to report that the population of 
Lahor were restless, and if there came any complaint 
about the beheaded man, Thlka,Arain, it must not be 
listened to, for the qdzi and others had been his sup- 
porters. This was enough to secure that on the 
arrival of the complaint at court, where many had 
clad themselves in mourning to present the petition, 
the king should send them away after saying very 
little, with the remark : " Caziey zemi, bessare zemi " 
(Qazaya-i-zam\n bar-sar-i-zamin). This means: " Cases 
about land are settled on the land itself." Thus I was 
left unharmed for that once, and freed from a great 
persecution that would have cost me my life. 

God was pleased to deliver me once more after 


several months. For there came a relation of the 
beheaded man expressly to kill me. By a lucky 
chance he came when I was prescribing for the sick, 
distributing medicine, adding alms for those in want. 
He came into my dlwan with his sword and shield, 
leaving his spear and horse at my door. Without any 
salutation he sat down in front of me and watched my 
movements, the humanity with which I spoke to the 
sick, and the liberality with which I succoured the 
needy. Nor did 1 fail from time to time to observe 
the face of this new guest, without knowing either 
who he was or what he wanted. I wondered at his 
wrathful countenance, his head-shakings, and other 
signs of a man in anger. Having got rid of my 
patients, I asked him more than once if he wanted 
anything in which I could be of use, but he returned 
no answer. At length there being no one else left, 
he asked me if I knew the cause of his coming. I 
replied 1 did not. He said he had come resolved to 
kill me because I had removed the fat from his uncle. 
But finding that in my hands it was being well 
employed, he felt satisfied at making my acquaintance. 
He rose to his feet, refusing to eat, or take betel, or 
listen to my words. He could have killed me quite 
safely, but God was pleased to change his intentions, 
in reward for the little or much that I managed to do 
for the poor who were in ill-health. 

The qazi did not find it so easy to forget his anger 
against me. Fida,e Khan did not stay much longer in 
Lahor. He (the qdzi} then sent someone for me, and 
on my presenting myself he was very affectionate, but 
did all he knew to trip me up in my talk. He began a 
conversation about the fat of his brother-in-law, asking 
me if ever I gave such fat to be taken for a medicine, 
and for what complaints it was used. I answered, in 
ignorance of his maliciousness, that fat was not 
administered by the mouth, but served simply to 
make ointments in nervous disorders. It was lucky 
that I answered thus, for if I had said that the fat 


was also given by the mouth, it would have been 
enough to afford him an opening for planning a 
fresh persecution against me, and ordering me to be 

It appeared to him most barbarous to prescribe 
human fat to be taken, imagining I did this to make 
mock of the Mahomedans, by getting one man to eat 
the fat of another. After this, I fell into conversation 
with him and discovered his malice, and saw the kind- 
ness God had done me in making me reply as above. 
For it was this which had delivered me from death. 
But he who came to catch me got caught himself. 
On his demanding of me some remedy for a cough he 
had, I told him of various drugs ; among other things 
I said that, as he was an old man, human " myrrh " 
would be good. He answered that he had already 
taken it, but it had done him not the least good. 
Upon this, with a smile, I said openly to him, that to 
me it did not seem much of a thing to give human fat 
through the mouth by way of medicine, when at the 
same time he had no scruple in eating human flesh 
and fat. For that is what is meant by human 
" myrrh." He also could not help laughing, and told 
me that such medicines were to be taken secretly 
only, so that no one knew. 

This persecution was bad enough, but without a 
doubt the Christians persecuted me worse than the 
Mahomedans. It arose from their envy at seeing 
me with name and fame, whereas at the place where 
I had settled down I had done no harm to any one of 
them. God alone knows how many times they tried 
to murder me, and they sent men to steal my books, 
on which I relied. Finding their projects had no 
success, they made up their minds to do openly what 
they had failed to do in hiding. To this end they sent 
four Europeans of various nations to murder me. 
Two came into the house as friends and began to 
talk to me ; another who was to do the deed stood in 
the doorway, shouting hoarsely a thousand abusive 


terms at my servants ; and the last sat on his horse 
with his pistols ready, to back up what was going on 
at the door. Hearing this row I came out, begging 
the disturber to hold his tongue ; he might come in if 
he wanted to, but if he did not come in, let him go his 
way. When he heard this he fired his pistol, which 
was already at full-cock, when one of my servants, 
grappling with him, took the pistol from his hand. 
He drew his sword to defend himself from the 
servants, who had begun settling his business for 
him with thick sticks, applying them without remorse 
to him and his servants until they fled. Then I recog- 
nised that it was planned treachery and ordered one 
of my servants, with a drawn bow, to see that the 
one on horseback should not move his hand in 
the direction of his pistols ; if he moved, an arrow 
was at once to be let fly at him. Thus terrorised, he 
was afraid to stir or to assist his companion who was 
getting his beating. I told the others with their bows 
and arrows to watch, without a word, over the two 
men in the house. Meanwhile, I ordered a good 
thrashing to be given to the insolent fellow. While 
drawing his sword to defend himself from the servants 
he cut his hand, and one of my servants seized him 
round the body so violently that he was brought to 
the ground. But he would not let his sword be taken 
away ; I therefore ordered them to give it to him well 
until he let go the sword. Seeing that he still clung 
to it, one of the men planted one foot on his chest, 
and so crushed it that he had to give up the sword. 
Thereupon I told them to bind him and carry him to 
the magistrate. But the man on horseback dis- 
mounted, and earnestly begged me not to pass this 
affront upon a white man. His petition was his 
undoing. I told him to fall at his protector's feet. 
He declined, but my servants by thumps and holding 
his neck got him to his knees. 

Then I left all the four, and rode off at once to 
Fida,e Khan, who at the time this happened was in 


Labor. He recognised that I had good reason for 
anything that I had done, and sent men to escort 
my assailants to the other side of the river Chinab, 
and on the road he who was the leader died. I will 
state here that my enemies seized this occasion at 
the time that the Europeans of the army were on 
their way to the attack on the Pathans, since being 
war-time no one would be able to know afterwards 
who had made the attempt. But God, who seemed 
to cherish a special desire for my protection, would 
not permit my death at the hands of those who wished 
to do so on the quiet by entering my house in the 
guise of friends. They did not succeed in this or 
other treacheries, but my enemies managed to give 
me poison, from which I escaped, although I felt its 
effects for some years. 

So great was the name that I had of being fortunate 
with the cases that I undertook that they came from 
many places distant from Lahor to call me in to visit 
patients. This was of great profit to me, even to the 
extent that many wanted me in marriage. If I had 
been of little wisdom I should have had no want of 
marriage proposals of exceptional quality among the 
Mahomedans. But, thanks to God, although I left 
home a mere youth, there remained ever graven on 
my memory the good teaching of my parents. 

But I cannot resist telling of one case that happened 
to me with a well-connected widow woman, the 
daughter of Dindar Khan, Pathan. On one occasion 
I had treated one of her sisters at Qasur, twenty 
leagues from Lahor. This lady was present, and 
took such a fancy to me that she wanted to marry 
me. She herself spoke to me about it, and told me 
she would make her own arrangements for flight. 
At first I paid no heed to these things, still, seeing 
the woman so determined, and she being rich, well 
proportioned, and intelligent, I began to entertain 
the idea of carrying her off to Europe as she desired. 

The agreement was that she should give sufficient 


money to buy a big ship, on which would b*e placed 
the bulk of her wealth. Then she would pretend that 
she had vowed a pilgrimage to Mekka, would obtain 
permission for this, and leave home. When she was 
on her voyage, and had left the port of Surat, I with 
my ship was to fall upon the vessel going to Mekka, 
and carry her off with me to Europe. The agreement 
was in process of execution, but she was not suffi- 
ciently prudent. She roused suspicions of her affection 
for me by forwarding message upon message by an 
old woman in her service. But the special cause for 
the non-execution of the agreement was a Portuguese 
called Joao Rodrigues de Abreu. After having done 
him many favours, and proved him sufficiently faithful, 
I confided our plans to him, intending to take him 
along with me. But he did not act in correspondence 
to my friendship, for he went off and told Misri Khan, 
who was a suitor for marriage with the same woman. 

Discovering thus the agreement we had made, and 
the friendship of the said widow, which she had de- 
clared by sending me messages with valuable presents, 
Misri Khan, through fear of Fida,e Khan and other 
nobles who were very fond of me, was content not 
to do me any harm, or send men to murder me, but 
only wrote me a letter in which he said that he knew 
quite well why Jam Btbf, the widow's maidservant, 
came so often to my house, but he saw quite well 
that what I was doing would in the end cost me my 
life. I pretended I did not understand the letter, and 
replied that Jani Bib! came and went as if she were 
my mother. If it displeased him that she came to 
my house he had only to tell her not to go again. 
By this means I found out we were already discovered. 
When Jani Btbi came I asked her to inform her 
mistress that it was no longer safe to come, and she 
must conceal everything or she would cause my death. 
On finding that her project could not succeed, the 
widow married Misri Khan, but only lived for eight 
days after her marriage. If I had been like many 


Europeans in the Mogul country and Hindustan, I 
should have accepted the money that she wanted to 
give me for buying the ship, then taken flight for 
Europe, disregarding the marriage and all my pro- 
mises. I did not act thus, not for fear of discovery, 
but because I had always professed to be an honest 
man, and thus I did not allow myself to fall into this 
temptation. The only thing that weighed upon me 
was that, through the treachery of that Portuguese, 
the lady continued to be a Mahomedan when she 
desired to become a Christian. 

The fame 1 had acquired as a good surgeon and 
physician was the cause, among other things, that I 
was importuned by the eunuch Daulat, a man of staid 
habits, rich, and well known. This eunuch was in 
the employ of 'Ali Mardan Khan, he who made over 
the fortress of Qandahar to the King Shahjahan. 
When his master died, in the year one thousand six 
hundred and fifty-two, this eunuch of his carried his 
bones to Persia to be buried in the tomb of his fore- 
fathers. The fact became known to Shah 'Abbas, at 
that time King of Persia, who ordered the arrest of 
the eunuch Daulat. 'Ali Mardan Khan's remains he 
directed to be burnt, and the eunuch's nose and ears 
to be cut off. He was then to be expelled from the 
country. The king held it an act of presumption 
to bring the bones of a traitor to the kingdom of 
which in his lifetime he was a declared enemy. 

The wretched Daulat retired full of shame to Lahor, 
and kept close within his house. Knowing the work 
I had done, he several times requested me by some 
art or ingenuity to make his nostrils and ears grow 
again, an impossible thing. But he imagined that 
Christians could do impossible things with elixirs. 
Therefore he besought and entreated me that 1 would 
do to him this favour, and he would give me anything 
I asked. I answered that now there was no remedy, 
the wounds being old, for if they had been fresh 
something might have been done. This reply of mine 


only inspired greater hopes, and he asked me to 
renew the sores by making new wounds. Then I 
was to cut off the best-shaped nose and the finest 
ears from one or other of his slaves, and apply them 
to his face. He embraced me, he styled me Galen, 
Bu Alt (i.e. Avicenna), Aristotle, and Plato ; he begged 
me to do him this favour, and make him happy all the 
rest of his life. 

The slaves then present were in a great state of 
mind lest I should accept the eunuch's proposal, and 
gazed at me with mournful faces, as if entreating me 
not to comply with the request. I was laughing in- 
wardly at them, contrasting the eagerness of Daulat 
with the fright of the slaves. But as a final answer 
I stated that even if I did what he asked, and cut 
off the noses and ears of the slaves, it would be of 
no avail, for being another's flesh it would never unite, 
the only result being to disfigure his slaves without 
any benefit to him. Finding there was no remedy, 
and being a facetious fellow, he said in joke : " I know 
not what sins I have committed to be made an out- 
and-out eunuch twice over, first in my inferior part, 
and secondly in my upper half. Now there is nothing 
more to deprive me of, nor do I fear anything but 
losing my head itself." This saying served us often 
afterwards as a subject of conversation. 

Not only was I famed as a doctor, but it was rumoured 
that I possessed the power of expelling demons from 
the bodies of the possessed. This idea spread because 
I was a man capable of conversation, in which I showed 
my nimbleness of wit whenever an occasion presented 
itself. Once some Mahomedans were at my house 
consulting me about their complaints, when night 
came on. I did not want to lose the chance of over- 
aweing them, and letting them see that 1 had the power 
of giving orders to the devil. In the middle of our talk 
1 began to speak as if to some demon, telling him to 
hold his tongue and not interrupt my talk, and let me 
serve these gentlemen, for it was already late. Then 


I resumed my conversation with the Mahomedans. 
But now they had only half their souls left in their 
bodies, and spoke in trembling tones. I made use of 
their terror for my own amusement, and raising my 
voice still more I shouted at him whom I assumed to 
be present, lying invisible in some corner. I resumed 
my talk to the Mahomedans, and this I did four or five 
times, each time showing myself more provoked and 
fierce. At length I threatened the demon with expul- 
sion from the house, and rising to my feet, angrily laid 
hold of a coarse glass bottle in which I had a little 
spirits of wine, and going near the candle set light to 
it, and uttered a lot of abuse to the supposed unquiet 
spirit. Then approaching the window, I made a noise 
with the bottle like a pistol-shot. I returned the 
bottle to its place and said to the demon that I objected 
to his coming any more into my house. I then turned 
again to the Mahomedans, and resumed the conversa- 
tion. They were unable to speak a word out of fright, 
and prayed for permission to leave, they would come 
back another time. But the special joke was that they 
were afraid to go out, dreading that the demon might 
attack them in the street. I reassured them by saying 
that the demon stood in fear of me, and would not do 
such a thing, for I had the means of punishing him. 
It would suffice, while going to their houses, for them 
to say en route that they came from the Doctor Sahib. 
A grand medicine certainly, and a great exorcism for a 
make-believe phantasm ! 

But this was not enough to induce them to venture 
out ; whereby I was forced to send with them one of 
my servants, who as they progressed was to mutter : 

II Duhai Hakim Jl "that is : " On the part of the 
Doctor Sahib." Under these conditions I got rid of all 
those Mahomedans. Being credulous in matters of 
sorcery, they began to bruit abroad in all directions 
that the Frank doctor had the power of expelling 
demons, including dominion over them. This was 
enough to make many come, and among them they 


brought before me many women who pretended to be 
possessed (as is their habit when they want to leave 
their houses to carry out their tricks, and meet their 
lovers), and it was hoped that I could deal with them. 
The usual treatment was bullying, tricks, emetics, 
clysters, which caused much amazement, the actual 
cautery, and evil-smelling fumigation with filthy things. 
Nor did I desist until the patients were worn out and 
said that now the devil had fled. In this manner I 
restored many to their senses, with great increase of 
reputation, and still greater diversion for myself. It 
may be that some reader will not put faith in me, but 
Europeans who are acquainted with the Mogul country, 
and my character in India, know that I was capable of 
many practical jokes of this sort. What is certain is 
that I very seldom lost my temper, and knew how to 
divert myself in proper time and place with harmless 

Havingacquired a sufficient capital, I became desirous 
of withdrawing from the Mogul country and living 
once more amongst Christians. This I could not effect 
by moving to Goa, for the mode of life of those gentle- 
men did not suit me. I resolved to retire to a village 
called Bandora, which is under the Jesuit Fathers, who 
do not allow any of the Portuguese to live in it, beyond 
a few of their own faction. For as soon as a white 
man appears they put a spy on him, who follows him 
constantly. On no account will they allow such a man 
to sleep in the village. Nevertheless, as they knew 
that I was not a troublesome man, they were content 
to allow me to become a resident. In the village dwelt 
many merchants of different nations, it being a place 
of trade. One could live there in security through the 
efforts of the fathers in defending themselves from the 
thieves, who traversed the ocean in such numbers that 
it was necessary for many vessels together to leave 
port, for the Malavares (? Malabarts) and Sanganes 
(? Sanjanfs) infest this coast. 

The news spread that I meant to leave Lahor, and I 


was forced to affect that the report was false, for they 
would never have let me go away, neither the nobles 
nor the lower orders, for I had great repute and was 
much thought of. To keep me they placed spies upon 
me to hinder my departure. But I carried out my 
intention in such a way as to mislead the spies ; I left 
at night without letting anyone know. Thus I was 
able to proceed on my journey, for I left my heavy 
luggage behind, and everything in my house in its 
usual order. I reached Sihrind without interference, 
and from Sihrind, passing outside Dihli, I rested in 
Agrah. From Agrah I went to Surat, where I came 
across the woman I spoke of earlier, she who married 
the Armenian. From Surat I went on to Damao, then 
through the territories of the Portuguese, where the 
Fathers of the society (i.e. the Jesuits) did me many 
kindnesses, and at length I arrived at Bandora. 

Here I was advised by some people to buy a ship, 
and thus not to leave my capital without fructifying. 
They proposed to me for taking charge of the ship a 
certain Ignacio de Taide, a Portuguese, who lived with 
the reputation of being a good Christian. To him I 
made over my ship and its cargo, which in all cost me 
the sum of fourteen thousand rupees. This caused 
others to confide to him considerable sums of money, 
seeing that I had faith in him. My orders to him were 
not to stray from the convoy. But having other views 
of his own, he went with the convoy only for a certain 
time. After that he began to fall behind, and,abandoning 
the ship, disappeared, for he had raised large sums on 
Respondentia bonds ; he now started the story that the 
pirates had seized the ship. In that case he would not 
be obliged to pay the money that he borrowed. By 
this means I was left devoid of capital, having nothing 
left but a little money for daily expenses. This 
necessitated my asking payment from Diogo de Mello 
de Sampayo, son of Luis de Mello de Sampayo, called 
the Roncador (the Bully), of whom I have spoken, he 
who fought so valorously at Damao. I asked him to 


do me the favour of returning the two hundred rupees 
with which I had helped him in his necessity, out of 
which he had only repaid twenty. But all I received 
was the answer that he had given me the twenty 
rupees in charity; as for the money he owed me, I 
might collect it from the Mogul, who was indebted to 
him in a large amount. 

Finding myself without means and very ill, I made 
up my mind to return, on recovering my health, to 
the Mogul country, and try my fortune once more. 
Thus when 1 had got well, 1 left Bandora with a friar 
in my charge, whose name out of respect I will not 
disclose, and Antonio Machado, a man well known 
for his bravado and talk, which led to his murder at 
Goa. God alone knows what I endured with this 
fellow-traveller, who, looking on the Mahomedans of 
Hindustan as being the same as the Portuguese, tried 
to carry everything off by bravado. He ignored the 
fact that Hindustani Mahomedans are very touchy, 
and possess sense and judgment like any other 
nation. If I wanted to write here the foolish acts 
done on the road by these two men, my story would 
become a very long one. 

On arrival in Agrah, I left behind me the friar, who 
stayed on account of some business. The other man 
wished to come with me as far as Dihlf ; then he 
attempted by force to take up his quarters in my 
house. But I declined, and he was forced to search 
for a home elsewhere. He encountered all that I had 
prognosticated, for I was fairly well acquainted with 
the Mogul country. It wanted very little more for 
this man to have brought the Fathers of the society 
(the Jesuits) to perdition ; for, in his desperation, 
having nothing to eat, he tried to denounce them 
to the qazl of Agrah. He said that the only object 
of the Fathers' stay in the Mogul realm was to buy 
Qurans and transmit them to Europe. There on a 
fixed day in each year a festival took place, when 
they burnt the image of Muhammad. This was quite 


enough to have caused the Fathers to be burnt alive ; 
and, seeing themselves in such danger, they collected 
as an alms the sum of five hundred rupees (for him), 
and were thus delivered from a great peril. For, 
being a man of little understanding, he was capable 
of doing such a silly thing. He wandered hither and 
thither, and then quitted Mogul territory, I giving 
him his expenses to take him as far as Surat. 

On my reaching Dihlt several nobles took notice of 
my arrival, and called me in. The chief of these was 
the Master of the Ceremonies to Prince Shah 'Alam, 
whose wife was very ill, and given up by the other 
doctors. My treatment of her renewed my reputation, 
which during my absence of a year had somewhat 
diminished. But the Persian doctors in the household 
of Shah 'Alam did not approve of my continuing at 
court after having cured the said woman whose case 
they had given up. This caused me to decide on a 
return to Lahor, for I saw that the court was not 
for me. 

With this intention 1 left secretly, but the princess, 
wife of Shah 'Alam, who had learnt of the benefit I 
had effected in the case of the wife of the Master of 
the Ceremonies, brought to mind the cases I had 
cured at Lahor, when her parents were there. I 
had also treated her in secret for a small abscess 
she had in her ear. Accordingly she besought the 
prince one night to take me into his service, allotting 
to me noble's pay. Not to discontent the princess, 
whom he loved much, the prince fixed for me three 
hundred rupees a month, and gave me in addition 
the title of mansabdar that is to say, of a noble. This 
was a singular favour, the Mahomedans not being 
accustomed to grant such honours to Christians ; 
furthermore, such physicians and surgeons remain 
subordinate to, and under the orders of, the head 
physician. But I was a privileged person, for I 
agreed to serve on no other condition than that 
I must be left free, nor must anyone give me orders. 



Thus I took service with Shah 'Alam, although my 
Christian enemies did all they knew to prevent the 
prince's accepting me. And thus, unwilling as I was 
to serve Aurangzeb, I was the servant of his son, 
beginning my service in the year one thousand six 
hundred and seventy-eight. (See further pp. 199-213, 
277 and following.) 

It was at this time (some years later) that out of dis- 
gust I resolved to live no longer among Mahomedans, 
now that I had put together a sufficient sum. Nor 
did Shah 'Alam pay me at all punctually. I therefore 
decided to return to Goa, where I had some money in 
the hands of the Theatine Fathers, meaning to leave 
eventually for Europe. For this reason I asked several 
times for my discharge, which he (Shah 'Alam) always 
refused me, till at length I told him that my private 
affairs needed my presence at Surat, and he must give 
me leave for at least two months. He consented to 
do this, and I went to Surat ; there Senhor Francisco 
Martin, at this day General of the Royal Company 
of France, gave me an armed sloop to carry me as 
far as Daman in Portuguese territory. Thence I went 
to Goa, and lived in the gardens. When Aurangzeb's 
letter reached the viceroy he had me sent for to 
translate it into Portuguese. On hearing the pro- 
posals, I gave him advice as to what he should do. 
For this war could not be of any benefit to the 
Portuguese, seeing that the Mogul would never be 
content to leave the Portuguese to themselves, after 
he had destroyed Sambha Ji. In spite of this the 
viceroy engaged in the war against that prince, and 
thereby all but lost Goa. 

Sambha Ji learnt the above news, and Akbar, who 
was living in that prince's territory, not far from Goa, 
was anxious to show his gratitude for the honour 
Sambha Ji had shown him. He also sought occasion 
to prepare for the flight which he designed to make 
into Persia, and wanted to ask the viceroy to provide 
him with a ship for that purpose. He sent an envoy 


to the viceroy, forwarding at the same time some 
rubies and diamonds for sale. He prayed as a favour 
that permission might be granted him to build a ship 
on the river of Goa, for his flight into Persia, he being 
persecuted by his father Aurangzeb. 

He really wanted to build the ship, but also hoped 
to land, a few at a time, a large number of men, and 
then all of a sudden to seize Goa. Knowing as I did 
the tricks of the Mahomedans, I advised the viceroy 
to take great care, and find out how many men were 
disembarked, for they might cause damage to Goa 
before his Excellency could prevent them ; and truly 
Sambha Ji's intention was to get a number of men 
into the island. Then he meant to come in person 
to attack, after the men already landed in the island 
had occupied the best positions. Thus would he 
manage to accomplish his purpose. The viceroy 
gave heed to my words, and he noticed that the 
next day a great number of men came from Sambha 
Ji's territory for work at the ship, but not so many 
withdrew at night. Orders were therefore given that 
all must withdraw, and that the next day as many 
as came in the morning must go back at night. 

Nor did the viceroy content himself with giving 
Akbar leave to build his ship ; he also made ready 
some presents to be sent to him. I held my tongue 
till I saw that these things were already prepared, 
when, out of the affection I bore to my fellow- 
Christians, I went to the viceroy. I said to him that 
to me it seemed that His Excellency was not acting 
with sufficient caution. He intended to write to the 
Mogul (Aurangzeb), agreeing at his request to make 
war on Sambha Ji ; while by these presents he acted 
as if he thought that great king to be of small account ; 
for, not content with allowing Akbar to build a ship, 
he was sending him presents. By this the Mogul 
would be angered, and would seek an opening for 
some attempt against Goa, because of the favour 
shown to his rebellious son. The viceroy was pleased 


to listen, and came to a stop, and did not send the 
presents. Meanwhile the ship was finished, and Akbar 
had it removed to the port of Vingorla, twelve leagues 
distant from Goa, and in the territory of Sambha Ji. 

Finding that by using the chance afforded by the 
matter of the ship he could not carry out his design, 
Sambha Ji sent to the viceroy tutored spies, who told 
him that in the fortress of Ponda were great treasures. 
His object was to get the viceroy to leave Goa with 
a large force for the conquest of that fortress. Then 
he meant to cut off the Portuguese retreat and prevent 
their return, in this way making himself master of 
Goa. The facts became known to a French trader, 
then in Rajapur, and he wrote to me to warn the 
viceroy of Sambha Jl's purpose. He was coming down 
with his army. 

I told His Excellency, but he would not heed my 
words. He issued forth with eight hundred white 
soldiers and eight thousand Canarese. He crossed 
with them to the other side of the river, and began 
his campaign. With him went five pieces of heavy 
artillery. The men inside Ponda defended themselves 
until the arrival of Sambha Ji along with Akbar's 
men. They attacked with great fury the viceroy's 
army, and gave him as much to do as he could 
manage. His best troops were killed, and if he had 
not used wooden obstructions with which to impede 
the onset of the cavalry, he would never have been 
able to get back to Goa, nor could he have made any 
defence. The rainy weather impeded the discharge 
of his matchlocks ; thus coming on still closer, a 
trooper among the Rajputs dealt His Excellency a 
sword-blow on the ribs. Retreating slowly, he 
reached the river bank with great difficulty, and once 
more entered Goa. He recognised, although too late, 
that he had been misled. Great grief was caused in 
the city by the fruitless loss of so many lives. 

In the interval Goa was governed by the archbishop 
Dom Manoel de Souza de Menezes. There came a 


boat sent by the general of Aurangzeb's fleet, which 
was on the watch to prevent Akbar leaving Vingorla 
in the ship he had built. It brought a message for the 
viceroy, urging him to make a valiant fight of it, and 
before very long he (Aurangzeb) would arrive to his 
assistance. But the archbishop would not listen to 
the envoy, and gave the answer that he must go and 
deal direct with the viceroy. I knew this because I 
translated the letters, and I did not wish to forsake 
the viceroy at such a time, so that he might have 
no cause of complaint against me. I therefore de- 
manded permission of his lordship, and with great 
difficulty he granted me a boat to travel in. We in 
Goa did not then know the miserable plight of the 

I left, but the archbishop, I know not why, sent an 
order to the guards posted on the river to seize me. 
Thus, while I disbursed my coin to aid and serve the 
Christians against the power of the Mogul, they made 
me out to be a traitor. They persuaded the archbishop 
that I was taking with me five hundred Shivajis (i.e. 
Mahrattahs) to cut off the viceroy's retreat and pre- 
vent him returning to Goa. For this reason he 
directed my arrest. The captains of the guard knew 
quite well 1 was innocent, for when I reached them I 
had no one with me but a servant. In spite of this, 
as the orders were absolute, they civilly made me a 
prisoner without communicating to me their orders. 
I made pretence of not recognising that the way they 
were treating me betrayed suspicion of my acts. At 
this time I saw the arrival of several boat-loads of 
dead and wounded, a proof that Sambha Jt had 
defeated the viceroy. 

But if I took as a joke this treatment of me by the 
archbishop, it was not really such. Nor did the 
envoy look upon the manner in which he had been 
received as any joke ; for, wishing to make him out 
greater than he was, they placed him in danger of 
losing his head. They began to spread a rumour 



that he was not an envoy, but the very Sambha Ji 
himself. This story was so much accepted that men 
were already in search of him to slay him. Such is 
the power of fear when it enters into people who 
are otherwise of good sense ! When I saw what 
their purpose was, I did my very best that they should 
not kill him, but only arrest him. I assured them that 
he was not Sambha Ji, but a Mogul, as he really was. 
For, if they had killed him, I, too, ran a very great 
risk of losing my life, and that for nothing else than 
trying to help his Excellency at the time the said envoy 

It pleased God that at last the viceroy should arrive, 
and he, too, was at first persuaded that the man was 
Sambha Ji in person. But after I had spoken with 
him, I assured him that, even if he were really Sambha 
Ji in person, no violence could be done by him, for I 
would keep close to him when the letters were pre- 
sented. Thus I conducted the envoy into the presence 
of the viceroy, who was already in a fright. 

Then, taking myself the letters from the envoy's 
hands, I presented them to His Excellency. There- 
upon he recognised the great mistake which had held 
the whole island in perturbation. He (the envoy) had 
with him only two servants. 

But let us now return to Sambha Ji. He had missed 
his blow when he had fought the viceroy, for if he 
had only occupied the river bank it would have been 
easy for him to slaughter everybody, and equally 
easy to take Goa. All the same, he did not despair 
of success in his attempt ; for, after the defeat of the 
viceroy, he took possession of the lands of Salseite 
(Salsette) and Bardes, Between which lies the island of 
Goa, and, after stiff fighting, tried to disembark men 
on the island (of Goa). But the Portuguese resisted 
valiantly, above all, the Augustinian Fathers, who 
were at a crossing against which Sambha Ji made his 
principal efforts. 

Thus, finding he had not carried out what he 


wanted to do, and seeing that by force of arms he 
should not conquer, he adopted the way customary in 
Hindustan that of deceit. He therefore made Akbar 
act as mediator and send in a letter to the viceroy. In 
it he said that, being on the point of leaving for 
Persia, as a friend of both sides, he wanted to restore 
peace and amity between Sambha Jf and the Portu- 
guese. With this object would they send a trusty 
person capable of dealing with such a negotiation ? 
He would bring it to a conclusion to the satisfaction 
of both parties. 

The viceroy selected me for this business. On my 
side I recognised that I was a foreigner, so I took 
along with me one priest and one layman, both 
Portuguese, to bear testimony to my acts and words. 
I made declaration to the viceroy that they would 
never conduct me to Akbar, but to Sambha J! instead. 
I questioned the viceroy as to what I should do in 
that case. He said to me that under no circumstances 
did he wish me to approach Sambha Jf. With this 
point determined on, I quitted Goa. 

Hardly had I arrived in Sambha Jt's territory when 
they wanted to carry me to him and not to Akbar. 
Thereupon I declared 1 would not go, that I would 
sooner lose my head than act against the orders I had 
received. Akbar learnt this, and dispatched Durga 
Das, as representing his person during the negotia- 
tions with Sambha Jf. On these conditions I, too, 
attended, or else they would have carried me there by 

We reached the presence of Sambha Jt, who re- 
ceived me with great politeness. During the con- 
versation he made bitter complaint of the viceroy's 
declaring war against him in spite of the King of 
Portugal's orders. The king had ordered him to 
maintain peace with his neighbours. Many other 
things against the viceroy did he say to me during 
this talk. It was on this occasion that he told me that 
with his own sword he had decapitated his chief 


captains, owing to their disaffection. He showed me 
the sword. 

Finally, he gave me my leave to go, adding that, 
seeing the viceroy would not send him an envoy, he 
meant to be the first and send one to him and so let 
him see how much he desired to uphold peace between 
the Portuguese. 

Taking one of his officers by the hand, he said to 
me : " This is the man I mean to send ; he is the key 
of my treasure-house." Then, laying hold of my hand 
also, he made the man over to me, and said he was 
doing him (the viceroy) much honour, for the man was 
his chief favourite. He sent me away, handing me 
two handkerchiefs of gold thread, and in the evening 
the envoy came to visit me. He set forth his pre- 
tensions, which were that he should land in the isle 
with one thousand, or at least five hundred men as 
his guard, taking also seven horses (as he said) to 
show his rank. We hammered away for a long time 
at this subject, he beseeching me earnestly to secure 
this honourable treatment for him from the viceroy. 
But I displayed total indifference, saying it lay with 
the viceroy to concede to him or not what he asked, 
at the same time I would lay his requests before 
His Excellency. But horses were not necessary, 
the fortress being quite near, nor could the horses 
climb to it. 

The reader must be made aware here of what the 
envoy's intentions were. The first was to get with 
this large number of men into Goa, where there was 
not a large enough garrison to defend all the posts. 
Coming, thus attended, to pay his court to the viceroy, 
it would be very easy to carry out their object. For 
they would enter with the fixed intention of assassina- 
ting the viceroy, and consequently would come wear- 
ing concealed chain-mail. Having succeeded, some of 
them would jump on the horses, and, careering about, 
would strike terror into the inhabitants, and throw 
everything into disorder. Thus Sambha Ji would 


have time to land his force without any difficulty and 
capture defenceless Goa. 

I returned to Goa and reported to the viceroy what 
was going on, and of the probable intentions of 
Sambha Ji. For the time being he should not, I 
thought, give audience in the royal hall, but in the 
fortress of Dangf (Dangim), which was quite close to 
the sea. Strong guards should be posted so as to 
hinder the envoy from carrying out his plans. Al- 
though there was some difficulty in doing what I 
said, nevertheless, acknowledging that I had some 
acquaintance with the tricks of people in Hindustan, 
the viceroy did as I advised. Thus I went back to 
tell the ambassador that he might come. I took with 
me no more than three boats, so that too many people 
might not come. But so many crowded in that our 
boat was in great danger of going to the bottom. I 
complained to the envoy of this carelessness, and he 
grew angry, for he saw that with so small a number 
he would not be able to carry out his project. He 
wanted to give up coming. But, encouraging him, I 
brought him to the above-mentioned fortress. Matters 
were disposed in such a way that not more than seven 
persons were able to enter with him. These were 
received by the viceroy with great pomp. 

The envoy's design was unmasked during the 
audience, for he made no statement about terms of 
peace, stating that his coming was for nothing more 
than to know if the Portuguese gentlemen really 
desired to make peace or not, and whether they 
would pay tribute to his prince. The viceroy replied 
that he wanted peace, but would not pay any tribute. 
The envoy answered that he would take this reply to 
his prince, and then took his leave far from well con- 
tented, not having been able to make himself a name 
by a piece of treachery (i.e. assassination), for amongst 
them this mode of going to work is a proof of great 

Although peace negotiations were going on, there 


was no suspension of arms, for continuously Sambha 
Jf went on fighting at Goa with great vigour. In the 
course of these contests, as there were not many 
troops in the island, there was reason to fear that 
Sambha Ji might land his soldiers there. The viceroy 
therefore sought someone who would go to the Mogul 
fleet, then off Vingorla, to request the admiral to sail 
with his ships till he was within sight of Goa. Thus 
some fear would be instilled into Sambha Jt's men 
then in Salsette and Bardes. For all they could do, 
they could not find any person willing to take upon 
himself to risk his life for the public benefit. Then, 
knowing the heartiness with which I had laboured to 
the utmost of my power, he asked me if I would per- 
form this benefit on behalf of a city which found itself 
in such a sorry plight. 

I gave a favourable reply, and, as I was leaving Goa, 
Dom Rodrigo da Costa, in command of the fleet, 
declared that 1 was on my way to destruction. God 
was pleased to show the care He had over my person, 
for one morning in the dark I found myself with my 
boat in the midst of thirty-seven galliots belonging to 
Sambha Jf. As soon as we discovered that the fleet 
was not that of the Moguls, but of Sambha Jf, we 
were very apprehensive, and already the master of 
the vessel and several seamen wanted to jump into 
the sea. But I laid hold of my matchlock and 
frightened them, saying that the first who moved 
was a dead man. If they set to work to row with 
all their strength, I would give them five hundred 
xerafins (ashraf\, a gold coin) on arrival in Goa. This 
was in addition to several pieces of gold that I dis- 
tributed among them on the spot. As the man who 
guided the helm was very skilful, we feigned to be 
part of that fleet until we forged ahead of all the 
galliots. Then putting on a spurt we drew away 
from our enemies, who began a chase in the hope of 
capturing us. 

Keeping on our course, we arrived at the Mogul 


fleet, and I carried out my instructions. But the 
commander replied that he could not come away 
from Vingorla for fear that Prince Akbar might 
escape. Thus it turned out that I put my life to 
danger without doing any good. Nevertheless, I 
went back to Goa by another route, and there 
I reported the Mogul fleet to be already on its way 
to give assistance against Sambha Jf. This I did that 
all might recover heart and resolution, and continue 
the war with greater courage. 

Sambha Jt's soldiers took the island of Santo Estevao, 
and were very near to Goa. They gave so much trouble 
to the city that the viceroy resolved to send an embassy 
to the said prince to see if he could obtain a peace, and 
I was obliged to go a second time to Sambha Jf. But 
on my arrival I found a spy, then in his service, who 
gave me a faithful report of the latest news. He told 
me that the army of Shah 'Alam was already quite 
close. This was enough to decide me not to pursue 
my negotiations ; therefore I determined to retrace 
my steps, and to advise the viceroy that the deliver- 
ance of Goa was at hand with the aid of Shah 'Alam. 
I stayed in Goa afterwards to visit that prince and 
negotiate as soon as he arrived. In my place they 
sent to Sambha Jf Manoel Saraiva and an Augustinian 
Father. But the fighting still went on with great 
energy. Well was it for the Portuguese that Sambha 
Jf never knew exactly how few men there were in the 
island. If he had known, he could have carried out 
his scheme in its entirety. 

I do not know if it was from carelessness or from 
real want of soldiers that the vessels which were on 
guard had not more than seven or eight men to each 
vessel. I know the fact because one night the viceroy 
invited me to go with him in his boat on his rounds to 
see if the officers were doing their duty. We found 
them nearly all asleep, and instead of challenging us, 
it was necessary for us to accost them, to find out if 
there was anyone in the vessel or not. Not aware 


that it was the viceroy who was passing, they gave us 
ill-conditioned replies, and we ascertained that there 
was not a single officer in the ships. But what was 
my astonishment, on reaching the fort opposite the 
bar at the entrance of the river, to find that we had to 
beat at a door for a long time, making much noise 
without getting any response. Finally came a soldier, 
who replied to us by stating that there were only 
eleven men. Yet this fort was of the greatest im- 
portance, and Sambha Ji had only to take it to get 
possession of Goa without any further difficulty. 

The viceroy was angry at getting such a reply, and 
asked why the men of the garrison had not answered. 
The soldier said they could not answer, for there was 
no one, only a boy who tended the goats. These were 
the preparations that we found in the ships and at 
that fort at a time when Sambha Ji was doing all he 
could to capture a city that had ever remained the 
glory of the Portuguese ! From this the reader may 
judge how little these gentlemen thought of the 
courage of veteran soldiers such as those of Sambha 
Ji, or else, over-confident in themselves, they imagined 
that their mere name would bar the way to the enemy, 
or it may be that in reality there were no troops avail- 
able. In any case, those they had in their service 
could not have cared much whether they lived under 
the rule of the Portugal king or that of Sambha Ji. 

Aurangzeb received the reply of the Goa viceroy, 
in which he promised to allow free passage up the 
river to his fleet coming from Surat with supplies for 
the army of his son, Shah 'Alam. The king ordered 
that prince to march with forty-five thousand horse- 
men in the direction of Goa, traversing the kingdom 
of Bijapur. His instructions were to capture the 
island of Goa by treachery, thus becoming able there- 
after to invade easily the territories of Sambha Ji. 

On this march Shah 'Alam took several of Sambha 
Ji's forts, and arrived in time to deliver the island 
from the hands of that prince. It was already in 


great danger. Sambha Jl made every possible 
exertion to take it before Shah 'Alam arrived, but 
it did not happen according to his desire. Thus, on 
the arrival of the Mogul fleet, he was obliged to 
decamp, but before he disappeared he ordered the 
mortars in Santo Estevao to be charged, with the 
idea of bursting them, seeing that he could not carry 
them away. But in this he did not succeed, for only 
one of them burst ; then spiking the rest he fled. 

As soon as Shah 'Alam arrived he sent an envoy to 
the viceroy as far as the river bank. On learning this, 
His Excellency ordered me to go and speak to this 
envoy, who was the brother of Sec Mahamed (Shekh 
Muhammad). I went to the spot, and while afar off, 
I saluted him in the European fashion. But he, 
remaining seated in his palanquin, paid little or no 
heed to me, and, ignoring the politeness customary 
in India, which is to raise the hand to the head, he 
placed it on his breast, as usual among the Persians. 
This made me angry, and I declined to advance any 
farther. His example was not followed by the slaves 
and servants of Shah 'Alam ; they knew how anxious 
their master was to retain me at his court. They all 
bowed to me with great respect. 

I did not neglect to say in a loud voice what seemed 
to me necessary against such a messenger, and turning 
my back, cheerfully accosted my friends. All the same, 
I did not lose the words said by the envoy. They 
amounted to nothing more than that the Portuguese 
were under great obligations to Shah 'Alam, and they 
ought to commence at once to count out the millions 
they would have to give for having been delivered 
from Sambha Ji. Then spies went off to Shah 'Alam 
and told him that the viceroy had sent me to treat 
with the ambassador, and that the latter had failed to 
render me due honour. 

The prince was much put out, and in that man's 
place sent my friend Miraxam (Mir A'zam) with orders 
to conciliate me in every way. On his reaching the 


river bank I advanced to meet him, but he, having 
received different instructions from the first man, rose 
to his feet when he saw me, and coming towards me, 
embraced me. He told me the prince's orders were 
that he was to do whatever I might suggest, as he had 
no knowledge of the viceroy. Then he delivered me 
a letter sent to me by the prince. In it he begged 
me to come to him, as he greatly desired to speak to me, 
and he trusted I would not refuse, having eaten the 
salt of his house. 

1 did not wish to take him (the envoy) into Goa, so I 
escorted him to a little island called Ilha de Manoel de 
Mota. There I regaled him during the night. On the 
day following 1 conducted him to the viceroy, who was 
in the fortress of Santiago, near the mainland. There 
he presented Shah 'Alam's letter. It began by request- 
ing that Hakim Niculao, his old servant, should be sent 
to him. As soon as he arrived they would arrange 
things to the satisfaction of both sides. Next it stated 
how, in conformity with the letter of the viceroy sent 
to the great Aurangzeb, permission was given for the 
entry into the river of the ships carrying supplies for 
the army sent against Sambha Jf. Yet the fleet in 
question had not arrived. Fulfilment of the promise 
was now requested. 

The viceroy replied that he would certainly carry 
out what he had promised, but the route taken must be 
by the other river, that of Bardes, not by that of Goa. 
But the envoy persisted in his demand, that they 
wanted to pass through the river of Goa, as had been 
promised to His Majesty. Finally the viceroy answered 
that I would go to his Highness, and that there 
matters would be settled. 

During the discussion the king's fleet, which was at 
the harbour mouth, continued to advance. When a 
report of this reached the viceroy, I said to Dom 
Rodrigo da Costa that now was the time for a display 
of courage and energy. Therefore, without any delay, 
the fleet ought to be fired upon. He hurried to the 


spot, where he found that, by the carelessness of 
the commandant of Aguada, some five-and-twenty 
galliots had already entered and were close to the 
Fort of the Kings. When arrived he ordered at once 
the discharge of three loaded cannon, to intimidate 
them, and cause their retirement. They replied that 
they were friends, and had come under the protection 
of the viceroy's promise ; they should therefore stop 
firing, as that was not the way to receive friends. 

When the Aguada fort became aware that the Fort 
of the Kings declined to allow a passage, it too fired 
several times, in order to prevent the remainder of the 
fleet which was following from completing its purpose. 
Thus was Goa saved this time, for without a doubt it 
would have been lost had the fleet entered. The 
twenty-five galliots which were already inside took 
refuge behind the Fort of the Kings in a river which is 
called Nelur. Here they remained until the receipt of 
fresh orders from Shah 'Alam. They plundered along 
the shore, and carried off any goods and women or 
girls found there. 

At nightfall I issued from Goa with the envoy in 
order to go to the encampment of Shah 'Alam. When 
we disembarked, the spies informed us that the enemy 
were in sight. Mir A'zam feared some harm to my 
person, and ordered twenty horsemen to accompany 
me as far as the camp. He stopped behind with thirty 
horsemen. In this way I reached the camp, where, 
being known, many greeted me with loud voices. I 
cannot express the affection with which they came to 
embrace me. 

If the reader could only know the manner in which 
I had behaved to all the officials and ministers, he 
would not be surprised that they received me with as 
much love as if I had been one of their relations. 

I proceeded to the prince's tents, and there the 
eunuchs, who knew how eagerly the prince and princess 
were looking-for me, came forward to receive me. The 
chief eunuch told me that Shah 'Alam had ordered 


that at whatever hour I might arrive he should forth- 
with be informed ; he had also directed the whole 
army to be in readiness the next morning. For if I 
did not arrive he meant to send his troops across the 
river by swimming it. I said to the man that the 
prince should not be roused ; it was already midnight 
and I could wait, nor was it right that a tired prince 
should be woke on account of one of his servants. 

When the prince got up next morning, they reported 
my arrival. He was more anxious for this than for 
the taking of Goa, and was now content. He issued 
orders for his soldiers to return to their quarters, as 
he no longer meant to take any action. Next, he sent 
word inside to the princesses and princes that I had 
come, and called them all together with great glee, and 
ordered a letter to be written to his mother Nabab 
Baegi (Nawab Bae Ji) telling how he had now caught 
me. For this queen had complained bitterly about his 
giving me leave of absence. She called me within the 
pardah, where I first made my bow as a European, and 
then did obeisance in court fashion. 

She was much amused at seeing me in European 
costume, my beard shaved off, and wearing a peruke. 
As the princess had not been used to seeing me in 
such a get-up, she asked me what drugs I took to 
return to youth. Then, jokingly, I gave her my 
reasons, and let her understand that I did not wish to 
serve any more, because the officials did not carry out 
the promises made me by His Highness. The prince 
replied that I ought not to trouble myself about this ; 
I had only to apply to him on the occurrence of any 
difficulty, and without fail he would ensure me any 
satisfaction I could desire. Laughing at the liberty I 
was taking, I told him that I could no more rely on His 
Highness than on the rest, for many times he had 
broken his promises. Then he brought forward his 
heir, Sultan Mazudin (Mu'izz-ud-din), as security, and 
added one hundred rupees a month to my former pay. 
He ordered my pay to be disbursed for the whole time 


of my absence from his court. In addition he promised 
to maintain four horses to carry my baggage, and eight 
men to carry my palanquin, with my food daily sent 
from his table. 

After this we entered upon a conversation over the 
differences with the viceroy. As I was obliged, in my 
capacity of envoy from the viceroy, to take the part of 
the Portuguese gentlemen, I said to His Highness that 
the viceroy could not on any conditions allow the 
royal fleet to come through the river of Goa, such 
being the orders of the King of Portugal. If His 
Excellency disobeyed such orders, his head would be 
in great danger. 

Shah 'Alam persisted that at least the galliots already 
in the river, behind the Fort of the Kings, should 
continue their course. He assigned as reason that, 
other ships being allowed to pass, they might just as 
well allow the said galliots to go up, since they were 
already inside. I retorted that other ships allowed to 
pass were merchantmen, as to which there was no 
prohibition. But in respect to His Highness's ships 
and those of other crowns, there was a rigorous order 
not to let them pass. If the viceroy in his letter to 
Aurangzeb had promised a passage, that must be 
understood not of the Goa river, but of the lands 
belonging to the Portuguese. He did not decline to 
comply, but offered a passage through other rivers. 
To show better to His Highness that the viceroy 
maintained friendship with His Highness and with his 
father, he would provide men to guide the vessels to 
any port His Highness wished. 

This proposal so much approved itself to Shah 
4 Alam, that he was willing to order the galliots already 
inside to go out again. He sent me with people to 
carry this order to the captain-general of the fleet ; and 
I left with him other men to act as guides in conducting 
him by land to the mouth of the river Bardes. 

To conclude the story : before giving me my leave, 
he sent me an exquisite sarapa (set of robes) and a 


horse. I was made to promise that I would return 
to him next day at two o'clock in the afternoon. I 
took with me the men carrying to the captain-general 
of the fleet the orders to turn back and proceed to 
meet the prince by way of the Bardes river. 

I went to Goa, and recounted to the viceroy what 
had happened. He was considerably gratified at the 
way I had arranged matters, and at deliverance from 
the peril he had been in of losing the island. I urged 
him to give the ambassadors their dismissal, with 
the presents he meant to send to His Highness. In 
the morning I did my very best to be sent off early, 
in order to fulfil my promise to reach His Highness 
at two o'clock in the afternoon. But His Excellency 
wanted me to carry a letter to the prince, and kept 
me waiting longer than was necessary. For this 
reason, the prince finding I did not arrive at the 
appointed hour, ordered Bardes to be plundered and 
thereby force the viceroy to send me at once. 

His Highness had ordered that as soon as ever 
they perceived me approaching they were to stop 
plundering. The sentries who recognised me shouted 
and ran about to make the soldiers give over, but 
that did not help the poor wretches already stripped 
bare. I reached the prince, and was well received ; 
but I made somewhat of a remonstrance at the irre- 
gularity of the soldiers plundering Bardes when we 
were friends. The prince smiled, and said to me : 
" It would have been still worse for them had you 
not appeared." There we halted several days until 
the supplies for the army had been landed. It is 
impossible for me to detail the gifts I received from 
all the court, and even from the princesses and sons 
of Shah 'Alam. 1 The latter was aware that I was 
serving him reluctantly, and thus instigated these 
others to propitiate me. 

We went to Vingorla, and the prince captured that 
place easily, seeing that nearly everybody took to 


flight. The fleet continued to accompany us. After 
a few days the Portuguese ambassadors arrived ; they 
were Joao Antunes Portugal and Manoel de Santo 
Pinto. They brought some showy presents and 
lengths of ornamented China cloth, some lovely 
branches of coral, and six small pieces of artillery, with 
other objects, the whole being worth a good amount. 

They were well received, and sardpd (sets of robes) 
were ordered for each of them, in addition to two 
thousand rupees. For the viceroy there were given 
a caparisoned horse, a dagger mounted with precious 
stones, a little bottle of essence of roses, and an 
honourable formao (farman, or rescript?). 

It should be noted here that at the presentation 
of these ambassadors I did not act as interpreter, 
but some other European. In reading out the con- 
ditions he succeeded in doing a piece of bad work 
for the Portuguese. For in one paragraph the viceroy 
desired Shah 'Alam either to give him eight hundred 
horses, or permit him to buy them in the camp. 
The European stated as the viceroy's proposal that, 
if the prince gave him eight hundred horses he would 
consider himself a subject. This was as much as to 
say that he would place Goa in the prince's hands. 
When I heard this I prayed the royal scribe to stop 
writing, for the interpreter did not understand the 
viceroy's proposal. All he said was that being in 
want of eight hundred horses to continue the campaign 
against Sambha Ji he asked for these eight hundred 
horses; and should His Highness decline to give 
them he prayed leave to buy them in the camp. The 
interpreter was angered, but I judged it necessary 
on such an occasion to speak up, to defend truth, 
and to protect Goa from a pretext under cover of 
which Aurangzeb would proceed to occupy that island. 

In the evening of the same day I encountered 
Shekh Muhammad at the entrance of the prince's 
tents. He is the man who had gone first as envoy 
from Aurangzeb to the viceroy, and had promised 


Aurangzeb to make over Goa to Shah 'Alam. He 
complained to me, telling me it was not for me to 
intervene in the royal affairs, nor was it my business 
to act as agent for the Portuguese. In time we began 
to raise our voices, so that the prince heard the alter- 
cation, and asked the cause, and who were the men 
making so much noise. Then they told him how 
Hakim Niculao and Shekh Muhammad were shouting 
at each other over the pending negotiations. The 
prince, who did not want any violence, sent word to 
Shekh Muhammad to go away, and not open his 
mouth on such affairs. As for me, he called me inside, 
reassured me, and gave me his word that he would 
not touch the Portuguese. Of a certainty had he 
listened to Shekh Muhammad he must have taken 
Goa, for that man was very familiar with the ground, 
being a native of those parts. 

Manoel de Santo Pinto then returned to the viceroy, 
and reported to him the above two affairs. On this 
account the viceroy sent me, through him, the pro- 
position that I should either accept the knighthood 
of Sant' lago, or a village yielding annually a thousand 
xerafins (ashrafi). I did not want to accept one or 
the other, but Manoel de Santo Pinto pressed the 
accepting of one of the offers, as it would affront the 
viceroy if I refused. I therefore accepted the knight- 
hood of Sant' lago, which he forthwith conferred on 
me, together with the letters patent, in which he set 
forth the two particular services aforesaid which I 
rendered the crown of Portugal, as may be seen from 
the following copy of that patent : 

" Dom Pedro, by the Grace of God, Prince of 
Portugal and of the Algarves, on this and that side 
of the sea in Africa, of Guinea, and of the conquered 
commercial navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, 
and India, et cetera ; as regent and successor, and ruler 
of the said realms and lordships, and governor and 
perpetual administrator, as I am, of the Mastership 
and Knighthood of the three Military orders : 


"Be it known to all beholding this Patent, that 
having regard to the services done by Niculcio 
Manuchy in our Indian dominions on various occa- 
sions arising in our service ; by translating the letters 
written by the Mogul King to the Count, our viceroy 
in the said Dominions, and by being present during 
the conferences with his ambassador, Shekh Muham- 
mad, upon the matters under negotiation; subse- 
quently, upon the approach of the prince Muhammad 
Mu'azzam, Shah 'Alam, eldest son of the said King, 
with his army, to the vicinity of the said Dominions, 
by accompanying the envoy that the said Count, our 
viceroy, sent to the said Prince, and by going more 
than once to the said army on various matters of 
great importance appertaining to the said Dominions. 
Wherein the said Niculao Manuchy conducted himself 
with great fidelity and zeal in our service ; from 
which we anticipate he will act in the same way from 
now henceforth. 

" For all these reasons he is worthy of every honour 
and favour, and to prove to the said Prince the esteem 
in which we hold his person, We hold it expedient 
to make a grant to the said Niculao Manuchi of the 
vestment of the order of Sao Tiago, which he can 
wear on his breast like a true knight, for which he 
will be recognised and respected as such, enjoying 
all the honours and privileges thereto appertaining. 

11 Wherefore I order that this Patent now issued be 
made over to him, that it be carried out and observed 
in its entirety as therein set forth, and that it be sealed 
with the seal bearing the Royal Arms of the Crown 
of Portugal. Our Lord the Prince issues it through 
Francisco de Tavora, Count of Alvor, one of his 
Councillors of State, Viceroy and Captain-General 
of India, executed by the Custodian Souza Moreira 
in Goa the twenty and ninth of January of one 
thousand six hundred and eighty-four. 

" Ordered to be recorded. 

" The Secretary, 



" Patent by which Your Highness is pleased to 
grant to Niculao Manuchi the vestment of the Order 
of Sao Thiago, to be borne on his breast as a true 
knight enjoying all the honours and privileges per- 
taining thereto, as is above declared. 

" Verified by Your Highness. 

"Registered in the Book of Grants in the State 
Secretariat on page twenty-nine. 


I did not wish to continue in the service of 
Shah 'Alam, for I did not feel happy living among 
Mahomedans. I saw that these campaigns would 
not soon come to an end, and thus I would be 
forced to wander here and there and everywhere 
with the prince's camp. I took my measures for 
flight, as was my intention. The > first thing I did 
was to pray the ambassador from the Portuguese 
to wait for me with his galliot (armed boat). For 
when the prince started to march with his army I 
meant to get back to Goa with him (the envoy). 
He gave me his word that he would await me. Then 
I resolved to return the two thousand rupees given 
me by Shah 'Alam to enable me to march with 
the army. I did not want it said of me that Hakim 
Niculao fled after having received two thousand 
rupees. So I took them to Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, 
Shah 'Alam's heir, and asked him to consent to hold- 
ing the said two thousand rupees, as I had no place 
to put them. He ordered his eunuch to take charge 
of them. 

I waited until the prince had set out, and then 1 
made off, hoping to catch up the ambassador and his 
boat. But he had gone off to feast himself in the 
Dutch Factory, and thus the attempt failed. When 
the prince knew of it he fell into a great rage at 
my attempted flight, and ordered his foster-brother, 
Mir Muhammad, to whose charge he had committed 
me, to go off in search of me, and not to come back 
to his presence until he brought me with him. He 


sent an order to the commander of the fleet to pro- 
ceed in search of me and (carry me off by force or 
persuasion. For he declared unconditionally that he 
meant to keep me in his service. 

But he knew that I was no lover of violence, so 
he sent to the seashore a caparisoned horse for me 
to ride, and an elephant along with five hundred 
horsemen to escort me. This was all to do me 
great honour, but they were to seize me if they 
came across me. 

I was much affected when I did not find the am- 
bassador in the boat. While I was waiting for him, 
I felt happy at having got away from the camp. Then 
the sentries reported to us how a galliot belonging to 
the Mahomedans was approaching. Putting my head 
to the window, I saw that it was Mir Muhammad, and 
thereby my courage at once evaporated. 

He came aboard the envoy's boat, and earnestly 
entreated me to save his life ; for the prince would 
never see him until I went back to the camp and 
spoke with His Highness, who was waiting for me. 
While we were still in talk, the sentry said that all 
the Mahomedan army had come from Vingorla. Thus 
I lost all hope of being able to flee, and, entering 
Mir Muhammad's galliot, we went off to find the 
prince, who had already gone four leagues farther 
off. The commander of the fleet notified my presence 
to the prince. But owing to the land route being 
closed by the enemy, who were plundering in all 
directions, thus causing great risk of the elephant's 
capture, which would be a disgrace, he ordered them 
to embark the horses and the troopers told off to 
escort me, while the elephant was put aboard some 
other vessel. Thus we all went to a port distant 
some two days from Vingorla, where the prince 
had gone to destroy a temple known as the White 
Pagoda, or of the Virgins. It was sent into the air 
by gunpowder. 

The prince was pleased and happy at my return, 


Remonstrating lovingly with me, he said he did not 
know what was to happen to me. For he saw that I 
had no love for him or for his family. Other Farangis 
would adopt any and every method to find a prince 
who had for them a mere fraction of the interest he 
displayed in me. I replied that I admitted fully the 
love with which His Highness was pleased to favour 
me; but my expenses were heavy, nor did I deserve 
less pay than that given to the other physicians. 
Thus I could not continue to serve him. Besides 
this, his ministers and the officials made me wait a 
very long time for the little His Highness gave me. 
In this way, while in his service, I was expending 
my patrimony without benefit and with nothing but 

Before putting faith in this speech of mine, it is 
necessary for the reader to know my temperament, 
and he should, in addition, know the wonderful cures 
I had effected among the Mahomedans. Well might 
I talk thus, for I neither sought for, nor was I in need 
of, the prince's pay, and thoroughly content should 
I have been had he grown angry and said : " Be off 
with you." But he, instead of getting angry and 
expelling me, ordered, in my hearing, a guard of 
horse and foot to be put on me, as he did not want 
me to escape again. Seeing thus how determined he 
was, I said I could not follow him, not having the 
necessary equipment; all my baggage was in Goa. 
On this account I prayed leave to visit Goa to fetch 
my things, and bid farewell to my relations. I 
pledged my word to come back within the term of 
seven days. 

He was reluctant to give me this leave, but in the 
end said he would grant it if I swore to come back 
again. I swore after the manner of Hindustan that 
is, by the feet of His Highness I would come back 
again. But he refused this oath, and called upon me 
to swear by the name of the Messiah, and that then 
he would place faith in my words and permit me to 


quit the royal camp. Finding he required this of me, 
I swore by the terrible, venerable, and admirable 
name of Jesus that I would be faithful to my promise. 
Then he granted me the leave, and conferred on me 
another set of robes (sardpa). 

Though thus obliged to abandon Goa, which I had 
wished to serve to the utmost of my power, I resolved 
to seize the occasion for alleviating the great necessity 
from which it was then suffering. There was famine 
from want of supplies, especially of wheat, of which 
there was none in Goa not even enough to prepare 
the Host. I asked the prince to let me have a cargo 
of wheat, his army being fully supplied. It was to 
be delivered at Goa on account of the merchants, for 
I wished to confer this benefit on my intimates by 
way of a parting gift. My petition was acceded to, 
and, embarking on the same vessel, I went to Goa, 
where the Portuguese were much pleased at the benefit 
I had gained for them from the prince, and the mer- 
chants acquired their profit. After two days I took 
leave of the viceroy and my friends, and returned to 
the royal camp, where the prince awaited me with 
great eagerness. 

When I arrived I learnt that the prince was already 
prepared for the march, having completed the destruc- 
tion of the White Pagoda and other edifices belong- 
ing to Sambha Ji. We took the road for Bardes 
once more, halting on the bank of that river. Shah 
'Alam had given orders that everyone caught entering 
or leaving the camp at night should be beheaded 
without fail. This was to frighten the spies, and 
hinder them from coming to pry about in the camp. 
It happened that they caught, among others, some 
Canarese, who had come from Goa to sell fruit, butter, 
et cetera, in the camp. Already they were on their 
way, early in the morning, to be beheaded, when my 
servants, hearing of this, informed me of the miserable 
plight of these Canarese. I therefore hurried to the 
prince, who was already on the march, and besought 


him for an order to release my people, who had 
carried me from Goa. He smiled, and directed the 
release of the men for whom I had petitioned. Thus 
some men were released whom I had recognised to 
be Christians. 

After this we marched, and climbed a mountain 
called Ramgat (? Ramghat), a league and a half of 
ascent. Here Sambha Ji might have killed the whole 
of us, for it was a place difficult to climb, with narrow 
paths passing through jungle and thorny scrub. But 
he did not choose to attempt it, and they said he was 
acting in collusion with Shah 'Alam. 

But what Sambha Ji did not do by attacking us, 
God carried out by the pestilence which raged in the 
army with such violence that in seven days of its 
prevalence everyone died who was attacked that is, 
about one-third of the army. Of this disease there 
died every day five hundred men ; nor was the mor- 
tality confined to men only it extended to horses, 
elephants, and camels. This made the air pestilential, 
and, it being a confined route, supplies failed also ; 
and this was like encountering another enemy. For 
although, as I said, wheat was abundant from this 
time, there were no animals to carry it. Thus the 
soldiers had more than enough to undergo. Many of 
those whose horses had died had no money to buy 
others, nor was there anyone in the camp ready to 
sell. They were thus forced to march on foot, and 
many died of the great heat and thirst they under- 
went. Having reached the top of this pass, we marched 
for the kingdom of Bijapur. Several times we were 
watched on the march by the enemy, who, whenever 
occasion served, spared neither our baggage nor 
ourselves, plundering in all directions. 

Finally we arrived at Aamadanaguer (Ahmadnagar), 
where Chand Bib! caused golden and silver balls to be 
fired from her cannon, with the inscription that the ball 
should belong to the finder. Here we met the army 
of Aurangzeb, who was waiting for the rainy season 


to pass before venturing farther into the kingdom of 
Bijapur and Gulkandah. During these marches and 
halts it was observed that in the morning there were 
on the tents various scarlet imprints of hands. Every- 
one was in astonishment. We could never discover 
the signification of these imprints, unless it could be 
judged to be some witchcraft, for no one could climb 
so high as to make those hand-prints on the royal 

As I was already dissatisfied with all this marching, 
I continued to reflect on modes of retiring to Europe, 
there to enjoy the much or little that I had fairly 
earned by my labours. I therefore asked Shah 'Alam 
for leave to visit Surat on some business I had there. 
But as he knew by experience that my determination 
was to proceed still farther, he ordered his slaves to 
watch carefully that I did not take to flight. He refused 
to give any other answer. 

Seeing him thus positive, I adopted another plan, 
which was to write to Muhammad Ibrahim, begging 
him to assist me in my escape. He wrote that he 
would most willingly do so. To this end he sent 
daily four thousand horse to patrol as if they meant 
to make an attempt upon us, and this caused some 
anxiety to Shah 'Alam. This went on for several 
days, until the day fixed for my escape arrived. I 
sent ,my books out of the camp by the hands of my 
spies, who moved about in safety. Then, contenting 
myself by carrying off my hoard of gold coins and 
my case of instruments, I left my tent mounted on a 
horse followed by a palanquin, as if I were going to 
take the air. I halted at the tent of one of my friends, 
an Englishman named Thomas Gudlet, and there I 
drank a cup or two so as to mystify Shah 'Alam's 
spies. Then, on the pretext that at night I had to 
give a dinner to some friends, I sent the spies to 
procure dishes of food, some in one place, some in 
another. I also ordered my palanquin to be taken 
away, as I intended to ride home that evening. 


When I found myself free of these spies, I sent out 
two faithful servants to wait for me in a village across 
the river, near which were posted the four thousand 
horsemen of Muhammad Ibrahim. On arriving, they 
were to display a small white flag as a signal that the 
horsemen were there, and that I might come safely. 
As soon as I got this warning I rode out on my horse 
as if taking the air, but in truth I was on my way to 
escape. When I reached the river I moved most 
leisurely, as if I only meant to give my horse a drink. 

When the sentries saw that I was crossing the 
river, they began to shout and warn the horsemen 
that I was clearing out. But they were too late to 
catch me, for giving my steed the rein I moved off in 
fine style. The horsemen of Shah 'Alam pursued me, 
describing a half-circle in the hope of surrounding 
me. But Muhammad Ibrahim's troopers at once rode 
up, lance in rest, and put Shah 'Alam's horsemen to 
flight. Thus delivered I reached the village, and 
from the village the army, where I gave thanks to 
Muhammad Ibrahim for the favour he had done me. 

Nor must I omit to mention how some Christians in 
the service of the Gulkandah king, aware that I was 
seeking to escape from Shah 'Alam, came out to meet 
me and escort me, so as to take my side in case any of 
the Gulkandah troops attempted to interfere with me. 
Hardly had I reached the presence of Muhammad 
Ibrahim, when one of Shah 'Alain's spies turned up. 
He delivered letters to the general, and informed him 
in private that I was much valued by Shah 'Alam, 
who would take it very ill should he assist a person 
that the prince had sent after several times and put 
sentries over to prevent his escape. 

The spy left, and also the other persons present, 
and I was alone with Muhammad Ibrahim. He 
already regretted having helped me in my flight, and 
as he had been planning to desert to the prince's side, 
he feared being badly treated by His Highness. This 
was why, after having congratulated me on my escape, 


he prayed me to remain with him a few days ; he said 
he felt unwell, and wanted to purge himself. I quite 
understood the design of Muhammad Ibrahim ; he 
meant to make me over once more to Shah 'Alam. 
Placing my hand on my dagger, I said to him that if 
he did not give me leave to go on to Gulkandah, I 
should without fail rip open my bowels in his presence, 
and would rather die than go back to the service of 
Shah 'Alam. 

He became alarmed at finding me thus resolute, and, 
retiring inside, told me to wait a little. He wrote me 
a passport for Gulkandah, and coming out again 
handed it to me, telling me privately to make all the 
haste I could. As this was all I was waiting for, I 
jumped on my horse at once and travelled for three 
days, until 1 arrived at Gulkandah. There I repaired 
to the house of a friend, Monsieur Francisco Guety, 
and he conducted me to the mansion of Xarif Elmulq 
(Sharlf-ul-mulk), brother-in-law of the Gulkandah king. 
He had several conversations with me ; and the king's 
sister suffering from palpitation of the heart, I was 
able to alleviate her complaint a great deal. In this 
way I began to be talked about in Gulkandah. 

Thus the king heard of my arrival. As his European 
physician, a Frenchman named Monsieur Destremon, 
was dead, the king sent for me to his presence. There, 
after some conversation, he directed me to go and 
bleed a woman in his harem, much cherished by him, 
because she knew where the treasures of the King of 
Gulkandah Cotobxa (Qutb Shah) were concealed. 
She was a Georgian, and so extremely stout, and the 
fat covered the veins so much, that blood could not be 
drawn from her except from the capillary veins. Her 
arms were covered with lancet marks. I felt for the 
vein, and after fixing the bandage, I took a measure 
twice the size I used for others ; and I reached the vein 
with such dexterity that the blood gushed out with 
great force. Everyone was in admiration at seeing a 
thing that had never happened before with this woman 


The king himself, who was standing behind looking 
on, became desirous of being bled also. But though 
they made me wait for that day, in the end he would 
not have it done. It may be that someone had 
frightened him, that I might be an emissary from 
Shah 'Alam and Aurangzeb, sent to bleed him in such 
a way that he would never want to be bled again. In 
place of having himself bled, he made over to me for 
treatment one of his nephews who had an ulcerated 
leg, and for this purpose he presented to me seven 
hundred rupees for my expenses. [To evade capture 
by Shah 'Alam, Manucci again fled to Narsapur.] 

While Shah 'Alam was halted in that province 
(Kohir) waiting for the receipt of the treasure, 
elephants, jewels, and war materials, in accordance 
with the treaty, he requested the king to have a search 
made for me, and send me to him as he wanted me. 
Horsemen were sent by the king to fetch me, with 
orders to the governors that if I refused to come 
willingly, I was to be sent by force. The soldiers 
came upon me in Narsapur, and showed me the royal 
farman, whereby the king recalled me to court, on the 
pretext of continuing the treatment of his nephew. 
He promised me that whenever 1 wanted my liberty it 
should be given without difficulty. 

I could see quite well that there was no escape from 
going, for they would carry me off to the court whether 
I liked it or not. I therefore dissembled, and made 
display of goodwill, and a desire to be of service to 
His Majesty. I mounted my horse and went with them, 
in all pomp and magnificence, until we got to Gul- 
kandah. When I appeared to make my obeisance to 
the king, he declared himself pleased at my coming. 
Urgently I begged him, as I had come under pro- 
tection of his word, not to deliver me into the hands 
of Shah 'Alam. By this he was somewhat discon- 
certed, and fixed my pay at seven hundred rupees a 
month. But I declared that I would not accept pay, 
that I meant to serve him for nothing. Nevertheless, 


he sent seven hundred rupees to my abode, and while 
I was with him he ordered a set of robes to be con- 
ferred on me. He gave a private order to post a 
hundred horsemen in the street where I was staying, 
to prevent anyone interfering with me. 

For the envoy of Shah 'Alam, called Momencan 
(Mumin Khan), sought an opening for carrying me off 
to the prince. In addition to the guard of horsemen, 
Abu,l Hasan gave me over in charge to his dlwan, 
who was responsible for my personal safety. I began 
the treatment of his nephew once more, and remained 
two months in Gulkandah, by which time the patient 
had recovered. But I was obliged to seek safety in a 
secret flight. For the ambassador of Shah 'Alam, 
when he was taking leave, once more tried to induce 
the king to make me over into his hands. He (the 
king) replied that if at his departure he carried me 
away with him, no one would come forward to defend 
me. For this purpose he ordered the withdrawal of 
the hundred horsemen, placed as sentries to prevent 
interference with me. 

This conversation was heard by one of the said 
ambassador's soldiers, who years before had come under 
an obligation to me for treating him in an illness, and 
he hurried to warn me of the ambassador's intentions. 
The information reached me when I was at cards, and, 
suppressing my tribulation, I went on for a time with 
the game. I then went out and betook myself to the 
house of the Dutch envoy, who was then Lourenco Pit, 
and begged his assistance in this delicate situation. 
After that I sent for the Father Vicar of Gulkandah, 
named Frey Francisco, of the Order of St. Augustin, 
and most earnestly entreated him to see Rustam Rao 
and procure leave to remove to Machhllpatanam a 
brother of his called Augustinho, who had fallen ill. 

I furnished him with this name, so that if asked for 
his invalid brother's name he should be in no per- 
plexity, and thereby avoid suspicion of there being 
some deceit. The arrangement succeeded perfectly, 


for the permit was obtained. I got into a palanquin, 
and feigned to be unwell ; and praise be to God, the 
spies never discovered me. Thus did I make my 
journey without the envoy of Shah 'Alam being aware 
of my departure. I went on until I arrived at Madrasta 
(Madras) or Fort St. George, which belongs to the 
English, and there I was free of all danger. My escape 
from Gulkandah was the cause of some discomfort to 
the king, for Shah 'Alam made great complaint of his 
want of energy in arresting me, but he knew quite 
well that by that time I was no longer in Gulkandah. 
Still he made various searches, and in the end sent 
Rustam Rao as a prisoner into the fortress, because 
he had issued the permit for my departure. The 
prisoner was forced to pay fifty thousand rupees, 
which were forwarded to Shah 'Alam as a present to 
procure pardon for the fault of the king's officer. 

On my arrival in Madras, the Portuguese gentlemen, 
who knew the zeal with which I had served their 
nation in Goa, came to see me. They congratulated 
me on my arrival and offered their services in whatever 
way would be of use to me. Such help they would 
give most willingly. But I was all anxiety to see 
Senhor Francisco Martim (Francois Martin), Director- 
General of the Royal Company of France, who had 
come back to Pudichery (Pondicherry) from Surat. I 
got into a palanquin and went off to visit him, where I 
was well received, and well entertained for several days. 
He gave me the advice not to return to Europe, but to 
marry in India. He informed me of a lady born in 
India, but of good English Catholic parents. She 
lived in Madrastapatao (Madras) and her name was 
Senhora Ilizabet Ihardili (? Elizabeth Hartley), legiti- 
mate daughter of (Mr.) Christovao Ihardili (? Christo- 
pher Hartley), president of Machhltpatanam, and of 
Donna Aguida Pereyra, a Portuguese lady. At that 
time the lady Ilizabet Ihardili was the widow of Mr. 
Thomas Klark (Clarke), an English Catholic ; he was 
a judge, and second at the station of Madras. 


This is what I was told by Monsieur the General, 
confirmed by some Capuchin friars, and thus I began 
to relinquish the idea of going back to Europe. For, 
as they told me, having become accustomed to the 
climate and the food of India, and being already 
advanced in age, I should not last very long in Europe. 
Thus I quitted Pondicherry and returned to Madras, 
meaning to find out the intentions of the said lady. 
There I arrived at the end of June in one thousand six 
hundred and eighty-six, and I talked with the well- 
known Fathers Zenao (Zenon) and Ephrem (Ephraim), 
Capuchins, and apostolic missionaries in Madras, 
otherwise Fort St. George. They were aware of the 
virtues and sound doctrine of the said lady, and they 
gave me such a good report of her qualities and virtues 
that 1 decided to marry. By the favour of God I was 
married on St. Simon's and St. Jude's day of that same 
year (1686). 

I had a son, but God chose rather to make him an 
angel in Paradise than leave him to suffer in this 
world. In this way I was fixed to a residence in the 
said Fort St. George, where came many that knew me, 
or heard speak of me, in order to be treated. Among 
those who came was Rajah Champat, son of Champat 
Bundelah, who, as stated in the first part of my history, 
was sacrificed by Aurangzeb as a foundation for his 
victories, in reward for having found him a route in 
his combat with Dara. 

Nor did Shah 'Alam fail to send in search of me in 
several directions, while the princess sent one who had 
formerly been my servant to seek me in Madras. She 
gave him as a present a dagger, which he sold to one 
of my friends for eight hundred patacas (Rs. 1600). 
This she did only through her desire to know where 1 
was, so that she might send to fetch me. 

All my acquaintances know that very few months 

passed without gifts coming from the Mogul grandees, 

who gave me many presents, and sent to me patients 

of title and many others. Experience was my great 



teacher, whereby I had acquired several secrets, in 
which it may be that I shall allow the world to partici- 
pate, for I have no heir to whom to bequeath these 
treasures that preserve our bodily health. But among 
the others I may as well mention that I manufactured 
certain cordials regardless of expense, the same being 
wonderful in certain complaints, as many can testify. 
Yet it is only a short time ago that I began to distribute 
these cordials, for I have no wish to imitate those who, 
keener for others' gold than the health of their fellow 
men, make up mixtures of various things and sell them 
as cordials. I did not begin to sell mine until experi- 
ence had taught me that the purchasers would not be 
cheated. My residence in Madras will offer no prejudice 
to the continuation of my history, for, besides the spies 
I employed, the nobles were pleased to forward me 
news of what took place in the camp. 

I know quite well that some in reading this history 
will comment on my leaving the Mogul country so 
many times and then going back. Some will say to 
themselves that in those lands there must be some 
delectable fields which caused my return there. But 
in reality, granting that by God's favour I did have the 
luck to attain some good fortune, yet never had I any 
desire to settle there. For of a truth they have nothing 
that can delight or win people from Europe, or make 
them desire to live there. The country is not good for 
the body, much less for the soul ; for the body it is 
requisite to live ever on the qui vive and keep your 
eyes open, since no one ever says a word that can be 
relied on. It is continuously requisite to think the 
worst, and believe the contrary of what is said ; for it 
is the habit there absolutely to act according to the 
proverb of my country, " Pleasant words, sad actions." 
They deceive both the acute and the careless ; thus, 
when they show themselves the greatest friends, you 
require to be doubly careful. 

The country is not good for the soul, as much from 
the licence one has there, as from the absence of 


Catholic observances. Thus, when I could leave it, I 
did so ; nor should have I ever gone back there, had I 
not been forced by necessity. I offer up many thanks 
to God that at length He granted me means to deliver 
myself, and I assure the reader that few Europeans 
could live there with the advantages and honours I 
was able to achieve. Nor let him be led away by 
the hope that, resorting thither, he would be able to 
improve himself in any degree. For few indeed are 
they who return thence bettered, and many are those 
who have been made worse. 

Among other occasions, there was one when the 
king's wife, the mother of Shah 'Alam, was gra- 
ciously pleased to give me testimony of her 
goodwill towards me in recognition of my having 
accompanied the prince her son from Goa to court. 
This princess showed me great affection because I 
had attended her and bled her several times, in addition 
to which she had often to send for me, as she suffered 
much from gout. As it was I who prescribed for 
her, she often sent me some dainty, as is the fashion 
of these ladies to do to those whom they esteem. 
When I bled her she put her arm out from the curtain, 
but wrapped up, leaving only one little spot uncovered, 
about as wide as two fingers, close to the vein. For 
that attendance I got from her four hundred rupees 
and a sardpd (set of robes) as a present, and I bled her 
regularly twice a year. 

It should be understood that, before a European 
can acquire the office of physician among these princes, 
he must be put to the proof a long time, for they are 
extremely distrustful and nice in such matters. 
Every month the princesses and the ladies have 
themselves bled, which is done in the way I have 
above described. It is just the same when they want 
themselves bled in the foot, or have any wound or 
fistula dressed ; nothing is ever shown but the part 
affected or the vein they wish opened. When I bled 


the wives and daughters of Shah 'Alam, each of them 
gave me two hundred rupees and a sarapa, but when 
I bled that prince, who was my employer, and he was 
at court, I could not do it without the leave of the 
king. For this bleeding I got four hundred rupees, 
a sarapa, and a horse. 

When I had finished I had to report to the king the 
quantity of blood I had drawn, what was the prince's 
reigning humour, and reply according to circumstances 
to the inquiries made by the king on this subject. 
After this he would give me my dismissal, granting 
me a sarapa. For each bleeding of one of the prince's 
sons I received two hundred rupees, a sarapa, and a 

The distrust among these princes is so acute that 
the father does not trust the son, nor the son his 
father. Here is an instance : Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, 
eldest son of Shah 'Alam, was graciously pleased to 
act as intermediary, and to intercede for me with 
his father to get me back into his service, as I 
have related more at length in my account of Goa. 
The father, without any other reason, commanded 
me not to go to the court of the said Sultan, giving 
him orders at the same time not to send for me. 
Let him, said Shah 'Alam, employ his own 
doctors, and not me. Upon this subject they had 
some words, and thereupon separated. Some- 
time afterwards Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din feigned the 
invalid, and no longer went to the court of his father. 
As soon as the latter heard of the illness he sent his 
Persian physicians, and these men reported that he 
was not in the least unwell. To give them the lie, 
and show that he required my treatment, he made 
one of his women servants suck a place in his neck, 
and thereby raised a blue mark. On learning that 
he was suffering from this blue mark, Shah 'Alam, 
without knowing the cause of it, had the idea 
that he required bleeding. So he ordered me to 
see him at his residence, and, with a view to satis- 


fying his son, told me to go whenever he sent for 
me ; and in this manner they made it up, and were 
at peace. 

Perhaps it will be found not altogether devoid of 
utility if I impart to my readers several events that 
happened to me which are proof of the prince's kind- 
ness and of the friendship he bore me. Seeing that 
I was not married, he inquired from me, through the 
first princess in his mahal (seraglio), why I did not 
take a wife. I replied that I found none of my standing 
that took my fancy. This lady and her husband were 
both desirous to get me married, so as to retain me 
and hinder my leaving Hindustan and his court. 
She said to me that she would send for all the 
daughters of Christians, whether Europeans or Ar- 
menians, and I had only to choose the one I liked best. 
She would see that I obtained the girl, would give 
her away in marriage herself, and provide all the 
expenses necessary on such occasions, adding a number 
of other promises. I thanked her, and made her under- 
stand how grateful I was for all her favours, but 
being a man of family, it was not correct for me to 
accept a bride such as she proposed. To that she 
replied by a great many things ; among others, that 
Mahomedans took anybody, without regard to their 
birth. Although Christians could never have pre- 
tensions to such an honour, yet, if I would agree, she 
would have all her maids-of-honour brought before 
me, and I had only to select the one 1 most liked, and 
she should be given to me as wife, nothing remaining 
but to carry her away to my dwelling. 

Being weary of all this woman's talk, 1 gave an 
off-hand answer that I was incapacitated for marriage. 
But on she went, and, with a number of other remarks, 
refuted me by saying that my bearing and complexion 
showed the falsity of what I told her. Finally, after 
all this discourse, she ordered me to put my hand 
inside the curtains of the bed to feel her pulse ; for 
this is the way one has to deal with these ladies, 


as I have said. I noted that the arm was thick, 
muscular, and hairy, and by these signs I knew at 
once it was a man's arm ; and it turned out to be 
Shah 'Alam himself. Without delay I rose and said 
that the arm I had touched was a man's, and not a 
woman's, and it could be no other than that of the 
King of the World. At these words the prince burst 
out laughing, and told me that I knew how to distin- 
guish the difference between a man and a woman. 

Wishing to retain me and gain me entirely over to 
his interest, the prince thought that women would be 
a good vehicle to secure his object ; for it is very 
common for men to be destroyed by this snare. Here 
is how he set to work. He asked me if I knew there 
was a European in his palace. I said I did not. 
Instantly, while we were speaking, there came out 
of a room a very pretty girl, dressed as a man in 
European style, with a gold-mounted sword at her 
side. As soon as she saw me she lifted her hat and 
saluted me. I was conscious at once that it was the 
prince who had put all this in play to amuse himself, 
and see if he could gain me over. But I feigned the 
ignoramus, as if I had not noticed anything, returned 
the bow, and proffered some compliments. Speaking 
French, I went up to her to kiss her, when at once 
she turned her back and fled. I ran after her, as if 
wishing to embrace her, but she ran faster than I 
did. However, I did my utmost to overtake her. 
Laughing, the prince cried out to me. At his voice 
I came back with slow steps close to him, much put 
out at not having succeeding in embracing the young 

When I had come close, he asked me what I wanted 
to do. I replied that 1 wanted to embrace and kiss 
the would-be young man. He assumed to be aston- 
ished at such a piece of audacity, then took to smiling 
at it ever so long, as did all the princesses. 

Afterwards he told me that the FarangI I had seen 


was not a man, but a woman, and if I would have her 
he would give her to me, and she could serve to carry 
my medicines to the mahal. I answered, with a serious 
air, that she was no use for that, as medicines admini- 
stered by a woman's hand produced no effect. The 
prince joked for a long time with the princesses over 
what I had said. This is the greatest amusement he 
has. All other Mahomedans also pass the greater part 
of their time among their women. This is so much the 
case that through them important business at court 
is transacted. For my part I have done a great deal 
thus, principally through the first princess. 

It is the custom in the royal household, when a 
physician is called within the mahal, for the eunuch to 
cover his head with a cloth, which hangs down to his 
waist. Then they conduct him to the patient's room, 
and he is taken out in the same manner. The first time 
that I was led through the palace, I was fitted out in 
the above fashion, but, by premeditation, I walked as 
slowly as I could, in spite of the urging of my guides, 
the eunuchs. The prince, having seen this, ordered them 
to uncover me, and that in future I was to be allowed 
to come and go without being covered. He said that 
the minds of the Christians were not filthy like those 
of the Mahomedans. 

This prince held me in such affection that he granted 
me permission to enter the Ghusul-klianah, which is 
a secret place where the second audience is given and 
the council sits. Into it only the principal lords and 
officers of the court enter. If anyone fails to attend, 
whether by accident or otherwise, he cannot enter 
any more without fresh permission. To obtain this 
renewal he must make some present to the prince, 
at the very least one gold and nine silver coins ; but 
with respect to me, I had liberty to enter and come 
out without anything of that sort. As the prince was 
in a fright that I would quit his service, he sought 
from time to time means of obliging me, and paid me 
all the honours such as I have reported. However, 


finding he could not capture me through women, he 
resolved to have a friendly talk with me on religion. 

Having sent for me, he begged me not to take it 
amiss if he gave me a warning; his religion forced 
it upon him, and to discharge his conscience he was 
obliged to give it thrice. Following on this, he said 
it was his intention to elevate me to the rank of a 
noble at his court; but before this could be I must 
adopt his religion, which was assuredly the best, and 
through it I would gain salvation. The moment he 
had finished his discourse I made a very low bow, 
and said I knew very well what was contained in the 
Quran, also what the Gospel imposed on me. There 
I had learnt that without baptism no one could enter 
the kingdom of heaven, and to gain it I was ready 
to spend and give up my life. 

Seeing me so determined, he changed the subject, 
and he ordered me to send at once to procure him 
some crystal vessels for drinking water from. I sent 
off a man to Bombay to bring some. This order 
he executed nay, those he brought were very hand- 
some. These I presented to the prince. He seemed 
to be astonished to see so many crystals at once 
more than he had ever seen in his life for he 
imagined them to be of rock-crystal, which is ex- 
tremely costly in the Mogul country. This is the 
reason of his 'asking me what the whole might be 
worth. Quite happy, I answered him that it was a 
present from me, and that Doctor Nicolas stated no 
prices to kings. He was so satisfied with this reply, 
that, coming to me, he patted me on the shoulders, 
and said that should God ever be gracious and make 
him king, he would remember my generosity. At the 
same time he ordered them to give me a very valuable 
set of robes and a very nice horse. 

I must here make the remark that when these kings 
and princes give audience they display all imaginable 
gravity and majesty in order to inspire fear in every- 
body, but in their mahal and in private they are as 


lowly as infants. This I have experienced several 
times, they going so far as to play with me with all 
possible familiarity. It is true that it may be said that 
all these pretty stories referring to me are of no great 
value to the public, but I thought a charitable reader 
would easily pardon this small satisfaction which I 
have ventured to give myself. Moreover, if anyone 
were about to travel in these far-off places, it may be 
that at some conjuncture these tales of my humble 
adventures will not be entirely useless to him. 

As the entire thoughts of these princes are turned 
in the direction of the throne, they search out very 
carefully any means of conferring favours on the most 
powerful men, in the hope of having them on their 
side. Shah 'Alam had usually with him a Hindu 
prince called Bau Sing (Bhao Singh), leader of twelve 
thousand horsemen, and a vassal of the king. He 
served under the orders of Shah 'Alam. Noticing 
that he had ceased to come to court, being unwell, 
the prince sent me to visit him on his behalf, and 
offer my services. This was merely to oblige him, 
and gain him to his side, should any occasion present 

The rajah was already old, and was suffering from 
his lungs. The prince, however, directed me to 
observe him and reckon how long he might yet live. 
Bhao Singh received my visit, but refused my services, 
and told me if I gave him any medicines he would put 
them with the rest I saw there. He had a whole 
roomful. God might do with him according to His 
pleasure, but he would not take the medicines, beyond 
looking at them. All this care was because he was 
afraid of being poisoned. This fear was increased by 
the example he had in Rajah Jai Singh and several 
others to whom such a fate had happened. I must 
say the prince never had any designs of that sort, and 
all he did was intended to oblige. I may add that 
during all the time I had the honour to serve him, 
he never suggested employing me for such a purpose. 


Still, he made a trial as to whether I was of a nature 
that would carry out such devices. This I discovered 
in the course of time. For example, he sent to me 
some unknown persons who offered me large sums 
to bring to their death other patients that I was 
treating. Others asked me to sell them poison, but 
no one ever got me to accede to such a demand. 
Another stratagem was also made use of to test me 
and attempt to find me out in a fault. This was the 
sending to my house of a young and very pretty girl, 
in charge of an old woman, on the pretext that the 
young beauty was ailing. She was barely eighteen, 
and I found out from her pulse that she was the very 
reverse of indisposed. I asked her if she suffered 
from any pain which could not be detected from the 
pulse. As I interrogated her, the old woman, making 
believe that she was a simpleton, left us and took a 
turn in the garden. The young girl seemed at once 
to grow very free with me, as well as by word as 
by deed. She told me she longed for my friendship, 
while hers would not be useless to me. She could 
secure me many advantages. As soon as I heard 
her talk I was disgusted, and, quitting her, I came 
out and shouted to the old dame to take her away. 
I then grew angry, and, calling my men, ordered them 
both to be ejected. 

Two months afterwards there came another still 
more lovely ; but she was alone, and in a palanquin. 
Under the same pretence of illness she told me she 
came from a great distance to procure a cure. She 
entered my house wrapped in a shroud, but on nearing 
me she uncovered, and throwing herself at my feet, 
implored me to keep her in my house ; for, being a 
stranger, she knew not where to turn. Her prayer 
was repeated several times. I noticed that she had 
on her jewels of great value, and her clothes were 
those of a person of quality, so fine that her skin 
showed through. All this troubled me, and I fancied 
that it might be to betray me. Still more did I 


think so, for the same thing had happened to others ; 
and as I had no intention of marrying, it did not suit 
my views to get entangled. 

With the object, then, of getting her away, I ex- 
pressed my sympathy, and by pleasant words sent 
her off. Some time afterwards I was warned that 
this was one of Shah 'Alam's tricks, only resorted to 
in the hope that she would take my fancy that I 
should have an affair with her, and by this means he 
would obtain an opening for compelling my con- 
tinuance in Hindustan, with a change in my religion, 
or else the loss of my life, as has happened to many 
who have lost their souls for a woman's love. Only a 
few years ago two Capuchins, or rather Portuguese, 
in the town of Isfahan fell into this sad soul-destroying 
misfortune. One of them was prior of the convent, 
and both were forced to become Mahomedans through 
similar events. Afterwards, under pretext that they 
were of that religion, they robbed a merchant of their 
own nation. God forgive those who send out characters 
like these to be missionaries. 

The kings and princes delight in showing themselves 
to be just, and when taking cognisance of important 
business, they endeavour to hold the balance even. 
Since I was in Shah 'Alam's service in the capacity of 
physician, I was an object of envy to other physicians, 
the Persians, who sought means to ruin me. It chanced 
that a brother-in-law of the prince, named Mirza 
Sulaiman Beg, fell ill from a fullness of the blood. 
The prince directed his chief Persian physicians, 
named Aguins (Hakims), Moquins (? Muqim), and 
Mosencan (Muhsin Khan), to prescribe for him. 
They failed in curing him, and instead of bleeding 
him and cooling him down, they gave him hot 
remedies. They treated him in such a way that in 
a few days he was in the throes of death. When he 
was in this state, one of his brothers, named Mirza 
Mahomed Moquim (Muhammad Muqim) took me to 
the patient's house, hoping I might help him. I saw 


at once that there was nothing more to be done. On 
the prince hearing the opinion I had expressed about 
his brother-in-law, he asked his physicians the reason 
he had fallen into this condition. They had the ill- 
will to say that I was the cause. To find out the 
truth Shah 'Alam sent the nazir Daulat, the chief 
eunuch of his palace. This man on his return re- 
ported that the patient complained that the said 
physicians killed him, whereas had the Doctor 
Nicolas only treated him, he would not have lost 
his life. While saying these words the poor man 
expired. But the testimony he had given me con- 
ferred much credit upon me at court, and gained me 
the esteem of everybody. 

After a time it came to pass that Mirza Muhammad 
Muqfm, brother of the deceased, of whom I have 
just spoken, went out of his mind. In an access of 
madness he slew his father-in-law and some servants, 
and committed many other crimes. On hearing this, 
the prince made him over to his physicians. Their 
report was that such a man could never recover the 
senses that he had lost. To demonstrate the force of 
their opinion, they cited as proof a passage in the 
Quran which says that for madness there is no cure. 

Shah 'Alam heard this sad decision pronounced, and 
at once ordered the patient to be placed in my care, as 
he believed I should find a remedy. I know not 
whether this was actually because he thought me 
cleverer than the others, or because I was a Christian. 
For I had often noticed that many patients were made 
over to me when their health was in a desperate state, 
because they had taken it into their heads that the 
Saviour had invested me with some virtue or other. 
With the permission of God I cured this lord in a few 
days. To reward me for my trouble and for any 
expense I had incurred, he sent me a horse with very 
good paces, but made no other payment. The reason 
of such a meagre present was his miserliness. On my 
side 1 was much put out at getting so little for all the 


trouble I had taken. So, without any word of thanks, 
I sent the horse back, telling the groom who had 
brought him, when many men were present, that his 
master was in no state to send gifts before he had 
recovered his reason perfectly, and when he had re- 
covered his health I would accept what he sent to 
me. He had hardly heard my message when he sent 
me the same horse with a thousand rupees and a very 
handsome set of robes. The truth is that he did not 
send me the present willingly, but felt constrained to 
do it for fear I might tell everyone he was still mad. 
By this means he would lose the office he held at 
court, and also lose everyone's confidence. Shah 
'Alam, when he learnt what had passed, was very 
satisfied at the cure, and still more with the answer I 
had given about the present. On his part he gave me 
a horse and a set of robes, adding many praises from 
his own lips, a habit common enough to these princes 
with physicians who succeed in curing patients they 
have made over to their care. 

Shah 'Alam had directed the physician Muqim to 
treat the wife of one of his captains called Mabarescan 
(Mubariz Khan), a man much beloved by that prince. 
This woman had been long in a decline, and was worn 
out by the quantity of blood she had lost. The doctor, 
finding that his remedies did her no good, lost all hope 
of her, and intimated to the prince that her life was in 
danger. On hearing this, Shah 'Alam ordered me to 
take over the case. I applied myself to her relief with 
all possible care and diligence, and in a short time I 
had pulled her through. The physician was vexed in 
his mind, but outwardly he displayed much goodwill 
to me, just the contrary of his real feeling. I was 
not taken in, for I had known that pilgrim for many a 
long day. 

The physician Muhsin Khan treated a uterine(?foster) 
brother of the prince, whose name was Muhammad 
Riza. He had a severe fever, which made him delirious. 
The physician, not recognising the complaint, came to 


the conclusion that there was no remedy, and gave 
him up. After that I was ordered to treat the man, 
and in a short time I put him on his legs again. There 
were other patients who had been given up in the 
same way by these gentlemen, but subsequently 
recovered their health under my hands, to those phy- 
sicians' disgrace and loss of reputation. This is the 
reason they were no friends of mine ; still more so that, 
though their patients came to me, none of mine went 
to them. 

I also cured a noble from Balkh called Fath-ullah 
Khan, a title conferred on him by the king. He had 
afterwards married an extremely pretty woman, who 
had served up to him nothing but delicious plats until 
he got ill, and lost his appetite. He grew so thin that 
he looked like a skeleton, and no physician was able 
to do him any good. In the end Shah 'Alam ordered 
me to take charge of him. I knew the constitution of 
these savages, so I gave him a comforting syrup, which 
could do him neither harm nor good. Then I ordered 
him to get his stews made of horseflesh, and by this 
means he was in a short time restored to his former 
rude strength. 

From this I acquired such renown that many men of 
this race came to me for treatment. But 1 got very 
little out of them, for they are very avaricious and paid 
me highly in compliments only. Moreover, I had the 
reputation of being charitable and curing the poor for 
the love of God. Thus everybody flocked to my house. 
The Mahomedan and Hindu surgeons were very much 
provoked, for their interests were involved and they 
lost their practice. However, as they saw they could 
not injure me directly, they started the rumour that I 
drank the blood that I drew from Mahomedans, that it 
was by this means that I was made so brisk and 
energetic and had such a high colour. All this was 
simply to hinder people coming to me to be treated. 
Everybody supposed that what they had published was 
true, and great repugnance was shown to be bled by 


me. Aware of what it was that troubled them, I told 
them to bring with them a china vessel, and all they 
had to do was to carry the blood home, and there 
bury it, for fear any cat or dog might consume it ; 
for if that happened, they would make noises ex- 
actly like those animals. By this measure I put an 
end to the false rumours, and they were no longer 
spoken of. 

One day, as I was attending to the treatment of some 
patients with all possible care, there comes into my 
house a king's slave in a great rage and a great hurry, 
making much noise and throwing everything into con- 
fusion. This man I imagine had been sent by the 
other doctors, my enemies. I went up to him and 
begged him most civilly and even humbly to do me the 
favour of not upsetting the sick men. But he paid me 
no heed, and went on worse than before, and abused 
me. Seeing how insolent he was, I signed to my men 
to fall upon him without giving him time to draw, 
which they forthwith did. Our man, finding himself 
caught, flew into a fearful rage, and made more noise 
than ever. He said he would kill me and my men and 
other such outrageous speeches. 

Thereupon I assumed an aspect of mingled severity 
and sadness, and said I had compassion for him, seeing 
he was suffering from blood to the head. His was a 
case for bloodletting. This remark made him more 
fusions still and he struggled to get free. Without 
heat, I ordered them to undress him and then bind 
him ; and sending for a lancet, I made ready to bleed 
him. The slave, still angry, insisted that I must not 
bleed him ; if I did he would kill me. My answer was 
given in an amiable tone before everyone that it was 
absolutely necessary to bleed him, that the blood had 
gone to his head, and assuredly if not treated he would 
be the death of someone. 

In the end, by force I opened two veins in his arm. 
The fellow was still angry and wanted me to close the 
veins ; but ignoring what he said, I showed sorrow at 


beholding his blood, from time to time feeling his 
pulse, and saying that his blood was very vitiated. 
Then, raising my eyes, I looked in his face and asked 
if he did not already feel an alteration in his body. 
Finding that his menaces and loud talk were of no 
good to him, nobody listening to them, he adopted at 
last the mode of humble entreaty, and said in a feeble 
voice that God had brought him to my house to be 
cured of the ills he had suffered from through many 
years. He thanked me for my trouble. In spite of 
this I did not trust him without precautions, so, closing 
the veins with two fingers, I put several new questions. 
Having replied very properly and civilly to these, just 
as he ought, I closed the veins and had his clothes and 
weapons returned to him. After this he said a thousand 
flattering things about me, and never more passed in 
front of my door. When we met at the king's or else- 
where, he was very polite to me. I have always 
thought that he did this only from the fear he had that 
I might announce he was mad, or that I might drain 
all the blood from his body. 

It is not the practice among these princes for nobles 
to have converse with the favourites and servants of 
other princes for fear they may spin some web of 
treason. If it is ever the case, it is always with the 
permission of their master. It happened that Diler 
Khan fell ill ; he was Shah 'Alam's enemy, yet he sent 
for me to prescribe for him. He knew of the pro- 
hibitions on the subject ; he sent word that if I went 
to his house, it would afford a good opening for him 
to become friends with the prince. He would always 
be ready to assist him with all the cavalry under 
his command on any and every occasion that might 

As I knew the custom of the court and the scurvy 
tricks of the Mahomedans, I informed the prince of 
this affair, and pointed out to him that Diler Khan had 
sent for me. Hardly were the words out of my mouth 
when his face began to flush and he asked me very 


hastily whether I wanted to go there. To that I 
replied with a smiling face that, if I was anxious to 
go there, it was only to see the state he was in 
whether he would live or die, so that I might make 
my report to His Highness. These words appeased 
him, and he forbade me to go. Diler Khan died, and 
it was found to be poison administered by his son-in- 
law, Azil Can, and by one of the prince's commanders. 



IN the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-six, 
seven days after my arrival at Madras, Governor 
William Guiford (Gyfford) sent for me and informed 
me that the governors and officials of the Mogul king 
in Bengal province had been ill-treating his (the 
English) factors. They hindered them from exer- 
cising the privileges conceded to them by the Mogul 
kings. For two years he had made efforts to bring 
his grievances before the king, and had spent much 
money, yet had been unable to impart to the king 
in person the damage they were doing him. On 
this account they had begun a war on the Governor 
of Hugli. 

He prayed me to find some means by which King 
Aurangzeb should take notice of the oppression 
inflicted on them by his officials. I wrote a letter 
to one of the king's eunuchs, a very familiar friend 
of mine, called Necruz (Nekroz) that is, " Fortunate 
Day." In it I informed him with great politeness of 
the troubles suffered by the English nation within 
His Majesty's dominions, including many necessary 
particulars. I prayed him as a favour to deliver this 
letter to the king, and he, out of his great friendship 
for me, and aware also that His Majesty himself knew 
who I was, delivered the letter with confidence when 
the king was among his women. Having read it, the 
king put it in his pocket, then went out into the 
{ Am-Khd$s (the audience hall) and began to hold 



audience. After hearing several complaints brought 
before him by his officials, he drew the letter from 
his pocket and began to read it again, shaking his 
head meanwhile. Then he said aloud : " It is true 
that the English are in the right and the fault lies 
with my officials." The persons present were much 

He turned his face in the direction of Mahabat 
Khan, and asked him if there was at the court any 
agent of the English. He answered that there was 
not. The king ordered him to write to the Governor 
of Madras, that he forgave the temerity displayed 
by the English in plundering the town of Hugli, 
and on their side they must excuse the troubles 
caused to them by his officials. The governor 
should send to court persons properly empowered, 
and he might be assured of acquiring new favour. 
During this going to and fro, the war in Bengal 
went on. 

By the time the answer arrived, Governor Gyfford 
was already out of office, and there governed in his 
place Alexandre Hayel. The latter, on seeing the 
goodwill shown by the king, was very pleased, but 
was unable to send off any representative at once, 
because he had to report to the general, who lived in 
the island of Bombajm (Bombay), at a great distance 
from Madras. The officials at the court finding that 
no agent appeared in time, and being aggrieved at 
what the king said in audience, so managed affairs 
that they forced the king into investing the fortress 
of Bombahim (Bombay). This place was so closely 
pressed that it very nearly fell into the hands of the 
Mogul. Finally the (English) general was obliged 
to send an envoy to the court. Great expenditure 
was incurred before he obtained entry in the manner 
that everybody obtains, and he received his leave 
to depart, when an order to raise the investment 
of Bombay had been issued. The English under- 
took to send orders to withdraw their fleet from 


Bengal. If these efforts had only been made at the 
proper time, there would not have been much 
expense or damage, for from a single neglect flow 
many evils. 

I will also recount what happened to me, and 
what I have seen and undergone. I have already 
told you in my book how, upon my arrival in these 
regions, the chief personages of San Thome did me 
the honour to receive me with civility, and offered 
to put themselves at my service. Among them 
were Manoel Texeyra Pinto, chief captain (capitao, 
mor), Joao da Costa de Sua, Cosmo Lourenco 
Madeyra, Antonio Palha de Lima, and Manoel da 
Silva de Menezes. I had treated them and their 
families gratis. 

A year afterwards there came to me from Goa a sum 
of three thousand and seven hundred patacas (Rs. 
7,400) which I had deposited with Father Salvador 
Gallo, prefect of the Theatines. The said Father 
handed the money to my attorney, Joao Lopes de 
Figueredo, a Portuguese born in India, to be delivered 
to me. When this man arrived at the port of San 
Thome the above named were at the time governing, 
and were also the magistrates. Thus, when the said 
Joao landed they seized him and confiscated every- 
thing he brought with him, taking possession also of 
his ship, under the false declaration that he was the 
debtor of certain Jews called Bertolameo Rodrigues, 
Domingos do Porto, and Alvaro da Foncequa. These 
magistrates called upon him to pay a debt due 
from a man of his faction (Figueredo's), called 
Francisco de Lima, owed to the above Jews. These 
latter were much delighted at the benefit thus done 

Finding this great wrong done, and that I should 
also lose my money, I had recourse to these same 
magistrates. I laid before them the receipt of Joao 
Lopes (de Figueredo) the letters of Father Salvador 
Gallo, and attestations by Dom Rodrigo da Costa, 


Governor of India, who had also written a separate 
letter to the leading men of San Thome recommending 
me to their favour, because their Indian dominions 
were under great obligations to me. He certified that 
Joao Lopes conveyed this money to be delivered to 
me. Thus he had done his very best to carry through 
my business. 

None of these efforts did me any good. Once more 
I presented fresh testimony received from Goa from 
Augustinho Ribeyro and Pascoal Gomes ; also the 
Letters Patent with which the King of Portugal had 
honoured me. These men had been present when the 
said Father (Gallo) delivered the said money to Joad 
Lopes de Figueredo. He was under obligation to 
pay me in current coin, and to take seals (sealed 
receipts) ; Joa<5 also demanded leave to pay me. He 
only owed money to me, and nothing to anyone else 
as was the truth, for no statement was produced 
to show how he was a debtor. In the end the said 
Joao Lopes was ruined and destroyed. As for my 
claim, which they could not deny, after much worthless 
argumentation, they resolved to pay me two thousand 
patacas (Rs. 4,000). This they declared was a favour 
they were doing me ; the balance they would not pay. 
One man so decided because I would not marry one of 
his relations ; others said, if I settled among them in 
San Thome I should not lose my money ; another 
said that there was no ground to complain, that the 
two thousand patacas sufficed, as I had a sufficient 
income to live upon all my life ; the rest uttered 
similar irrelevant opinions, and I was sent about my 

With regard to the wrong done to Joao Lopes, let 
the reader understand that there were two reasons 
for it. The first was envy at seeing him, a man born 
in India, with some fortune and the ov/ner of a ship, 
a thing they did not possess. The second reason was 
because three of the said magistrates had asked the 
wife of Joad Lopes in marriage, she being a rich 


woman, and, as she had refused them all, this pro- 
duced the hate and envy which impelled them to ruin 
the man. 

When twelve years from this dispute had passed 
by, in the year one thousand seven hundred (1700), 
there came as Governor of San Thome, on behalf of 
King Aurangzeb, a friend of mine called Xefican 
(Shaft* Khan). He was told of the injustice and 
robbery done to me by the Portuguese of San Thome, 
and revived the suit. The men were summoned to 
his presence. He asked them about the debt to me 
when they answered boldly that they knew of no such 
thing, nor did they owe me anything, and they offered 
to swear upon the Holy Evangelists. 

As the governor did not know the European lan- 
guages, he applied to Mr. Thomas Pitt, Governor of 
Madrasta (Madras), sending him my papers and affi- 
davits, and asked him to decide according to right. 
The said governor sent the papers to be translated 
into English. There was a delay of two months in 
getting this done. At the end of this time he sent 
for the Portuguese, and asked them in a friendly way 
to give me satisfaction, because it seemed to him that 
Nicolas Manuchy (sic) was a most reasonable man, and 
they ought to come to an agreement with me. In 
a most haughty and contumacious manner they re- 
plied they owed me nought, nor would they pay me 

A few days afterwards he (Mr. Pitt) assembled the 
whole council, the magistrates, and the learned men 
of different nations. They all sat together and de- 
liberated. The Portuguese were called in, and in their 
presence in a loud voice he (the governor) read my 
documents, when those present decided unanimously 
that I had been wronged. It was decreed that the 
debtors must pay me. They were thus unmasked 
before all the Europeans and Mahomedans, yet not 
for this would they reform and turn from their evil 


I will add another case which happened to me in 
the same San Thome with the aforesaid Manoel da 
Silva de Menezes in the year ninety (1690), in the month 
of March. I had advanced five hundred patacas to a 
Genoese merchant called Jorge Bianco for trading in 
Pegu. He sent the principal with the agreed profit 
to be paid to me in San Thome. The said Manoel 
da Silva de Menezes was then judge. He took 
possession of my money and wanted to pay with his 
usual arguments, and in spite of all my efforts I could 
not obtain payment of what was mine. In the end 
I made use of certain friars, who interceded for me 
with Thomas de Maya, the chief captain then holding 
office, and he did what he could out of friendship for 
me. He ordered me to be paid ; but behold the way 
Manoel da Silva wanted to satisfy me ! He had 
bought some kons (scores, or twenties) of cloth for 
thirty patacas the scores. He wanted to pay me in 
this cloth, entering every score in my account at 
eighty patacas. Since I declined to accept, I only 
received a little cash, losing part of my principal and 
all the profit. 

It seems to me that readers will approve, also those 
intending to come to India, of having this information 
by which they can guide themselves, making use of 
my experience. 

The reader will have seen in my Second Part the 
efforts I had made and the services I had rendered in 
Goa when the Portuguese found themselves in such 
great peril. Thome de Azevedo, the chief physician, 
a priest of Jewish birth, ordered the bailiffs to seize 
me and thrust me into prison. The bailiff had com- 
passion on me and sent me secret word of these 
orders, and advised me to get out of the way. At 
that moment I was entering the house of the Secre- 
tary of State, called Luis Gonsalves Cota, to translate 
the reply to a letter from Sambha Ji, which the viceroy 
was about to send. After the letter was translated I 
mentioned to the secretary the orders that had been 


given by the physician. The secretary answered very 
frigidly that the physician could act thus, as he had 
the leave of His Excellency. If he had me arrested, 
he had cause, for I had no permission to treat the 
poor. He reprehended me, and said I was acting 
ill; he had also heard it stated that I had some 
little pills with which I made an easy cure of wounds 
and buboes. I answered that I treated none but 
mendicants and the indigent, and that without fee. 
It was my habit wherever I travelled to help the 
necessitous, and for such good deeds I was esteemed 
throughout the Mahomedan country, where I was 
held in much respect. Thus I would seek some 
other place, so as not to give annoyance, and 
preserve my liberty. The secretary was very 
stiff, and gave me not a word of reply, instead 
of paying some attention to or remedying my 

I concealed my feelings, though disappointed in him, 
and lost no time in placing myself (in sanctuary) 
within the church of the Theatines. Thence I sent 
information to Dom Rodrigo da Costa, who at the 
time was in command of the fleet, and on hearing 
from me he went to see the viceroy, Count Francisco 
de Tavora. The latter was annoyed with the chief 
physician for wishing in that dangerous time to inter- 
fere with me. The physician was sent for, and also 
the chief surgeon, Francisco da Silva, and they were 
told by the viceroy in an angry voice that, if they 
touched me, he would have satisfaction from them. 
I was let alone, and in freedom. 

I believe the reader will not be astonished at my 
writing with so much liberty, for I profess to declare 
the truth, which, as it seems to me, is the only thing 
likely to be of use as a warning to any curious person 
undertaking any long voyage, or in especial one 
coming to these parts of India. Many is the time 
I have wished to do good to and help necessitous 
persons; but afterwards, instead of being thanked, 


I issued from the matter under sentence of crime as 
a misdoer and a rogue. Thus was it with what hap- 
pened to me in the year one thousand six hundred 
and eighty-two. 

Taking with me the ambassador from Goa, Joao 
Antunio Portugal, I set out for the army of Shah 
'Alam, then lying near Goa territory. In our com- 
pany were twenty men of rank, one Jesuit called 
Antonio de Barro, a Theatine called Dom Joseph 
Tedesqui, and a priest known by the name of 
Gonsallo Lopes. The whole party was put up by 
me in a large tent which the prince had assigned 
as my quarters, and there I entertained them as 
befitted them. 

The next day I brought them to the court of 
Shah 'Alam, and there with the greatest difficulty 
I obtained leave for the entry of three persons only ; 
but out of respect for me they were relieved of the 
heavy expenditure which has to be incurred by custom 
at all such courts. The Prince Shah 'Alam desired 
me to remain with him, and in order to compel or 
induce me, sent his confidant, Mirza Muhammad Riza, 
officer of his table and a great friend of mine, to make 
over to me two thousand rupees, which I was to 
accept, giving as a reason that I had spent consider- 
able sums on His Highness's service. He had express 
orders that he must make me accept the money. I 
brought forward some objections to receiving it, but 
he embraced me, and, encouraging me, earnestly 
besought me to accept. The supplicant, finding 
that I did not want to accept, left the money and 
beat a hasty retreat, and I gave orders to lock up 
the cash. 

The ambassador and some others were present. 
They began to talk softly to each other, and then 
angrily asked me in a loud tone who the rupees 
were meant for. I replied that the prince had sent 
them to me for my expenses. In their anger they 
answered me with misplaced words, and such-like 


talk, so that I held it better not to answer ignorant 
men who did not speak to me in a proper manner. 
It was reported among them that the prince had sent 
the two thousand rupees to the ambassador and that 
I had usurped them. 

This matter was not such a secret that it did not 
come to the prince's ears, and he was annoyed, saying 
he could not have supposed that such people could 
have been so ignorant, and the higher he had thought 
of them, the more aggrieved he felt. To restore my 
honour, he ordered one of the principal officials of 
his court, Mir Muhammad Sadiq, to send for the 
ambassador to his tent with all his retinue, and 
apply a remedy for the above false statement. With 
me standing near him and the others round him, 
he asked if I had received the above-mentioned 
money. I replied in the affirmative. Then in a 
loud voice, with his hand raised, he said it had 
been heard that there was someone rash enough 
to assert that Manuchy had stolen the said money. 
If he could only find out who were these slanderers, 
he would unfailingly cram their mouths full (be 
it said with all respect) of dirt. Most of them 
hung their heads and said not a word; they had 
imagined they were sent for to receive some 

When I had finished the negotiations in favour of 
the viceroy, Shah 'Alam ordered that in his presence 
the three persons should receive each a sardpa (set 
of robes). At that moment appeared two men with 
two thousand rupees in two bags, and from behind 
the ambassadors shouted in a loud voice these words : 
" Here are the two thousand rupees that Your Majesty 
confers on the Portuguese ambassadors." They recited 
these words three times. Joao Antunes Portugal was 
alarmed at such shouting, as he did not know the 
language, and asked me the reason. I told him it 
was about the two thousand rupees that the prince 
had ordered to be given, and that it was in this 


manner that the gift was made, instead of sending 
the money to his tent. He cast down his eyes, 
recognising the reason why the prince acted thus. 
It was solely that no doubt might be thrown on my 
good faith. Joao Antunes Portugal was incensed at 
this affair, and, in place of being sorry, sought means 
to take my life. If he did not succeed, it was because 
I did not remain in Goa, but returned to the Mogul 
prince's service. 

I will insert a small affair that happened to me on 
the same occasion. In Goa there was a well-born 
man called Lourenco da Cunha, who pretended to 
be my friend. On my taking leave of the viceroy, 
at the time when I was about to start for the Mogul 
army to undertake negotiations for the State, this 
man carried me to his house, where I stopped all 
night. He asked me to convey in my boat a box 
containing various Chinese curiosities, which might 
be worth fifty rupees, hoping to sell them in the army. 
1 excused myself for two reasons. The first was that 
the goods were not suitable for Mahomedans, being 
images of tigers, cats, cocks, et cetera. The second was 
because the things could not be carried safely, owing 
to the difficult marches we were to make. On hearing 
these objections he said nothing ; but at midnight, when 
1 was asleep, he made over the box to the boatman, 
with an order to inform me after I had reached the 
army. When I arrived at the army the boatman told 
me about the box, but at the time I passed the matter 
over in silence. The next day my friend Lourenco 
da Cunha turned up, and demanded from me four 
hundred and fifty rupees for the goods he had put 
into my boat. My arguments were of no avail, he 
talking preposterously. Finding all this trouble, 
and being careless about money, I ordered the 
payment of the amount claimed, and before his face 
caused all the contents of the box to be distributed 
to common people. He declared he was doing me 
a favour in letting me have the things so cheap. 


These fellows glory in cheating foreigners without 

This incident brings to mind that in seventy-six 
(1676) I left the Mogul territory, and stopped a few 
days at Damao (Daman). At that time a Portuguese 
fleet arrived as convoy to the ships going to Surat 
and Kambaya. The principal men in this fleet begged 
me to open my boxes, as they wanted to see some of 
my curiosities. I could not refuse, and, holding them 
to be gentlemen of position, I allowed them an in- 
spection; but it was not long before some of the 
articles had disappeared. I suppressed any remark, 
for if I had taken any action they would have 
assassinated me without fail, as is customary among 

In the year ninety-two there came a Hindu officer 
from the army in the Karnatik, a commander over 
five thousand horse, recommended to me by the 
Nababo (Nawab) Julfacarcan (Zu,lfiqar Khan), Mirza 
Mahdi, the captain of cavalry, and other friends. He 
wanted to be treated, and promised me four thousand 
rupees. The Portuguese of San Thome now inter- 
fered, including the head of the bishopric, a priest, 
then in charge also of the civic government, who was 
under obligation to me for having cured him of an 
obstruction. All these men, hearing of the above 
Hindu, took him to a physician, who offered to effect 
a speedy cure at a less price. They arranged matters 
so that the said officer believed them, and sent me a 
message that I need not trouble, and if he wanted me 
he would let me know. 

After the lapse of a few days he sent a message 
to me, because he had not recovered his health 
as he desired, but I declined to attend him. I 
replied to those who had written to me that the 
said captain had declined to listen to my advice ; 
and he went back as he had come lamenting his 
evil fate, for thus do the people of India talk when 
things do not succeed with them as they would 


wish. This captain was a rajah, his name was 
Dalpat Rao, son of Champat Bundelah, he whom 
Aurangzeb sacrificed after crossing the river Dholpur 
(i.e. the Chambal) to give battle to Dara, as described 
in my First Part. 

Once in Goa, being in my house, there suddenly 
appeared a gentleman of birth who, with much assur- 
ance, took a seat without uttering any words of polite- 
ness. At his back stood four Kaffirs with staves in 
their hands. He said he was a gentleman of high 
rank, and occupied an important position in His 
Majesty's service, but fortune had not been kind to 
him. He had been wealthy, the lord of many planta- 
tions, but to pass the time he had gambled and lost all. 
Then raising his eyes, he looked at me and said : " I 
have heard that your honour is a merchant, a person 
of position, and the reputation you enjoy has induced 
me to visit you." But he could not stay long, because 
the viceroy was waiting for his presence to begin his 
dinner; and since he was in want of pocket money, he 
would borrow a sum from me. I replied that I was a 
poor soldier, and not a merchant ; he had been misin- 
formed. Raising his voice he said : " These arguments 
will not do for me. Either lend me or give me what I 
need." At these words the Kaffirs raised their staves. 
On seeing this I fell into a quandary, and began to reflect 
on what might be the result. I tried to retire into my 
room, when he said to me roughly, raising his voice, 
that I was not to stir from my place. Then dissimulat- 
ing as to the pressure put upon me, I told my boy to 
bring my writing-desk. I opened it in front of him 
and showed what it contained namely, thirty ashrafis 
(gold coins). I handed him this amount with the greatest 
politeness, saying that, had there been more, I should 
most willingly have offered it to him. He felt so 
honoured that he took twenty-five coins, saying that 
would suffice for his wants during that day. He put 
his good services at my disposal, instructing his Kaffirs 
that when I needed them for giving anyone a beating 


with bamboos, or stabbing anyone, they must carry 
out my orders. He then departed. Conceiving that 
I had got rid of him very cheaply, I gave thanks to 
God, and at once changed my quarters, going to 
live close to the Convent of the Carmelites, and 
there I lived with my doors barred, for 1 had seen 
many houses robbed by bodies of masked men enter- 
ing them. 

The first time 1 was in the city of Goa I lived in the 
street called Santo Aleixo, opposite some large houses. 
In one of these lived a widow called Dona Christiana ; 
she was rich and led a quiet life. She wanted to 
marry me, a thing I never dreamt of. Seeing that I 
made no approaches, and made no effort, she resorted 
to a trick. This consisted in sending for the prior of 
the Carmes, Friar Pheliciano de Santa Teresa, a native 
of Milan and a great friend of mine. To him she 
complained that I had been pursuing her, sending her 
offers of marriage, to which she replied that she had 
no thought of such a thing. The Father believed her 
words, being unaware of Indian women's trickish 
ways ; and coming to pay me a visit, as he constantly 
did, he prayed me with the greatest gentleness not to 
persecute Dona Christiana with such proposals as I 
had sent her, saying that I wanted to marry her. 
When I heard the padre talk like this, I was plunged 
in thought, trying to remember if on any day I had 
given the widow occasion for such a complaint about 
me. Examining my mind thoroughly, I found I had 
not the least remembrance of her, and said so 
to the Father. He smiled and said he hoped there 
would be no more complaints about me. As a satis- 
faction to him I left the neighbourhood and lived 

Eight days afterwards the same priest came straight 
from the widow's house to find me, and directly he 
saw me began once more to complain harshly, saying 
that I should be the cause of that woman losing her 


reputation. He begged me for the love of God to 
abandon such thoughts. Feeling myself quite innocent 
in the matter, I replied to the padre that never had I 
dreamt either of stopping or of marrying in Goa. As 
it seemed to me, it was she who wanted to marry me, 
and had thus called in the padre as intermediary and 
made use of this artifice. I laid before him many 
similar affairs that had happened in India. But the 
priest was not a practical man, and had not been 
long in India, so he believed what the woman had 
said, and made me out the culprit. He told me I 
was not speaking the truth ; and finding my argu- 
ments did not prevail, I gave my word to the 
priest that in a short time I would quit Goa, if he 
would only give me the time to prepare, and this 
he did. 

Apropos of this case I may mention that, on arriv- 
ing in the town of Bassaim (Bassein) in one thousand 
six hundred and sixty-six (1666) I was sent for 
by the commissary of the Inquisition. He was the 
prior of the Franciscan Convent, and three times 
over he examined me to find out about me and 
my life. Discovering nothing suspicious by his in- 
terrogatory, he made me swear upon a holy crucifix. 
Then, finding there was nothing wrong in my 
replies, he embraced me, and, treating me as an edu- 
cated man with a clear conscience, he sent me away, 
saying that now I was free, and he would not send 
for me any more. I came to discover in the course 
of time that my accuser was the Father Damao 
Vieira, a man expelled from the Jesuit order. This 
is the man who came as an envoy to Rajah Jai 
Singh, and promised to reduce the city of Bijapur 
by miracle. 

Owing to the hatred in which he held me, he 
denounced me, and I was sent for by the commissary 
as 1 have said. I was innocent, and could not make 
out why I had been sent for. As the friar found he 
could not harm me in this way he came to Goa while 

LIFE IN SAN THOME, 1688 229 

I was living there, and urged a well-born man called 
Antonio de Couza Coutinho, who had once been 
governor of India, to put an affront on me. But, like 
a wise man, he would not consent ; he invited me to 
his house, and in his conversation told me to live very 
cautiously, for the friar in question was not fond of me. 
Thus I was far from secure, and for this and other 
reasons I quitted Goa. 

After some time there arrived at the town (San 
Thome) the most illustrious Lord Dom Caspar 
Alfonco, Bishop of Meliapur (Mailapur) and other 
places. This prelate held in his hands both civic 
and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Yet he did not meddle 
much in the former branch. However, as I noticed 
that he did me the honour to like and esteem me, 1 
begged him to see me righted to the injustice that had 
been done me (see pp. 217, 218). After I had told 
him my story a few days elapsed. He then gave 
me his reply, telling me that I was in the wrong, 
that the judges owed me no redress, that it was 
the chief captain who had done the wrong, and it 
was he who ought to do me amends. " But," he 
added, "he is no longer in this world, and has 
left nothing. That is a misfortune for you, but 
you must bear it, as one must the other ills of this 

I resented acutely the inequity of this answer ; how- 
ever, I did not show this for several years. All the 
time I was reflecting how I could bring him to feel 
the injustice of his finding. Finally I determined to 
take as my model what the prophet Nathan said 
to David to bring home to him his sin. Full of this 
thought, off I went to visit the said bishop, putting on 
a vexed and melancholy air. When we had exchanged 
compliments, I told him I had come to ask him for 
advice on a thing that had happened to me. To this 
he replied that with all his heart he would render 
me such service in all matters as was within his 


" M on signer," said I, " when I lived with my fellow- 
countryman, Hortense Bromsoune (Ortenzio Bron- 
zoni), we were both very well known, had good 
credit, and everybody esteemed us. This induced 
Juan Dias d'Almeda and Diogo Mendez Botelho to 
confide to us a chest which contained a quantity 
of money. My comrade, driven by 1 know not 
what necessity, or perhaps by envy, had a false 
key made, and withdrew one thousand rupees from 
the chest. This he did in the face of all 1 could 
say to prevent him. Some months afterwards the 
two Portuguese came and removed their chest. It 
was not long before they noticed that one thousand 
rupees were deficient from the total sum. They 
complained, but as we were well supported we re- 
jected their demand in sharp terms, and ejected them 
from our house, protesting that they were forgers and 

" Some time afterwards my comrade died, and left 
me as his testamentary executor. However, as a long 
time had passed, the affair was no longer spoken of. 
Now they wish to revive it, and a few days ago I 
received a letter from the aforesaid Portuguese in 
which they set forth the distress they are in, that 
they have a daughter to be married, that I should 
reflect whether in conscience I do not owe them for 
that deficiency of one thousand rupees which occurred 
within my house." 

I added some words praying the bishop to tell 
me as a matter of conscience whether I was under 
an obligation to pay that money, with the interest 
accrued since that time. It was to be remembered 
that I had not consented to the theft. He answered 
that I was under an obligation to pay. I took my 
leave and went to see the Jesuit and other regulars 
and priests, men learned in the law. I told them 
the same story and all replied to me in the same 
terms, but had no idea of the inference I intended 
to deduce from their answer. It was my object to 


make them admit out of their own mouth that what 
they had decided in my case was unjust, for my case 
was absolutely identical, changing only the persons. 
I had been robbed, the inhabitants of San Thome 
were consenting parties to the theft, and Manoel 
Texeira was the Ortenzio Bronzoni who had taken 
my property. 

Some of those religious persons read the riddle 
after I had left, and they told me afterwards I was 
very clever. But all that was no more than com- 
pliments, for that did not hinder the greater number 
of them giving certificates in the very teeth of the 
equity of my demand, clear and evident as that 
was. Although this business has no interest for 
the public, I have thought it might serve as a warn- 
ing to those who travel in these distant parts. It 
will teach them not to allow their property to be 
taken from them, for once it has gone the best argu- 
ments in the world will be useless in procuring them 

But now let us come back to the persecutions at 
Tanjor, of which I have already spoken at some 
length. It is my duty, dear reader, to tell you 
what has since taken place. At the beginning of 
December (? 1701) the Reverend Father Martin, 
Jesuit, appeared at my house. After a good deal 
of ceremony and compliments, he produced a letter 
from Monsieur Martin, Governor of Pondicherry, in 
which he begged me as a Christian to be so good 
as to interest myself in the protection of these 
oppressed believers, and procure for them some 
respite, they and their imprisoned pastors. He repre- 
sented to me that their misfortunes arose from nothing 
but certain acts and importunities of this, that, and 
the other person in the king's entourage, whereby 
from being their friend he had been turned into their 

The Reverend Father (Martin) had brought with him 
a large present made up of European curiosities, a 


mirror of crystal, and a poignard mounted with jewels 
in the style of this country. He expected by means 
of these presents to procure some letters of recom- 
mendation from the Governor-General Daoutan(Da,ud 
Khan), who had taken the place of Jufacarcan (Zu,lfiqar 

He had been sent into this kingdom of the Karnatik 
by orders of Aurangzeb, whose domination extends 
over all the petty Hindu kings and governors of these 
countries, all of them being tributary to him, as I have 
(I think) already explained. 

I took into consideration in a Christian spirit the 
misfortunes to which this new Christian community 
was exposed. I was also of opinion that all these 
presents would be useless and in vain ; for this reason 
I did not think it advisable to present them, because 
these Mahomedans are very touchy, and I feared that 
the general might conceive some idea quite opposed 
to the facts. Neither did I desire the Father to go to 
him, though this was his intention ; and he meant to 
take me with him, he meeting the necessary expenses 
of the journey. I made up my mind to avoid all this 
labour and expenditure by writing a letter on the 
subject to this nobleman. In it I besought him as a 
friend, and by reason of the obligation that he had 
always professed to be under to me, to look with a 
favourable eye upon the Christians of Tanjor. They 
had been cruelly persecuted by their king, who had 
unjustly imprisoned two Jesuit Fathers, my near re- 
lations. Would he have the goodness to interpose 
with his authority to protect the said Christians, and 
get those Fathers out of prison, where they were so 
unjustly and narrowly detained, and also procure the 
restitution to the former (the Christians) of the goods 
so unjustly forfeited ? I wrote other letters on the 
same subject to the first minister of the Karnatik 
province (? the diwdn)^ who is always in attendance 
on the above general ; also to other officers of the 
army with whom I was acquainted and who were 


great friends of mine. I sent all this correspondence 
to the camp by one of my servants. 

After these dispatches had started, Pere Martin 
proposed to leave for his college at Pondicherry, which 
is part of the same mission, and by his hands I sent 
a letter in reply to that of Governor Martin, detailing 
what I had done for the relief of the Christians at 
his solicitation, and as a response to the friendship 
with which he honoured me. 

As soon as my man arrived at the army he pre- 
sented my letters to the general commanding, Da,ud 
Khan, along with some presents that I sent him on 
my own behalf. He also delivered the other letters 
to the first minister and the other officers to whom I 
had the honour of writing. These men, having read 
them and learnt that the captive Fathers were my near 
relations, were extremely incensed against the King 
of Tanjor. The commanding general, in particular, 
and the first minister displayed much resentment on 
the subject ; and on the spot they sent for the envoy 
of that prince, who is always present in the army of 
the general, to secure the interests of the king, his 
master. They blamed the king loudly for his hardi- 
hood in imprisoning the poor European Brahmans 
from Rome (that is the name they give the priests). 
To this they added some harsh and severe language, 
and told him they were amazed still more at the acts 
of the king, his master, when he knew that these 
Fathers were near relations of the Doctor Nicolas 
Manuchy, physician to the Mogul Emperor, his suze- 
rain. To this Da,ud Khan added the words : " He is 
also my physician and my father." These last words 
were said by the general because from his early youth, 
when I still lived in the Mogul country, he had called 
me " father." Falling into a great rage, he ordered 
the agent to put such pressure on his master that the 
captive Fathers, the Roman Brahmans, should be set 
at liberty, and the Christians allowed to live according 
to their religion. He added : " If you do not obey my 


commands, I will have you put to death, and wage 
continual war against your master. Do not fail thus 
to write to him. I also require him to restore all 
the property that has been confiscated from the 

The envoy, upon receiving these orders, wrote in 
the above sense to his prince, and described the 
manner in which he had been treated by Da,ud Khan. 
The cause of this harshness was the persecution he 
had commenced against the Christians, and the con- 
fiscation of their goods. He prayed, therefore, first 
of all for the release of the Jesuit Fathers, known as 
the Roman Brahmans, the cessation of all persecu- 
tion of his Christian subjects, and the rebuilding 
of the ruined churches. As a consequence of these 
acts he stood in danger of his life, and His Majesty 
ran the risk of a war if these demands were not 

While this correspondence was in progress, Da,ud 
Khan, the first minister, and all the other officers, 
gave indications of taking the matter very much to 
heart, and swore with most terrible strength at the 
malignity of those deeds at Tanjor. The crime was 
so much the greater at being perpetrated upon poor 
people living peaceably, who had never given their 
king any cause for complaint. 

Thus, no sooner had he received the letter of his 
envoy than the king sent forth edicts, whereby he 
permitted his fugitive Christian subjects to return 
unmolested to their houses, and there enjoy their 
possessions as heretofore. He ordered the release 
of those who were in prison, and all Christians were 
free to follow their religion. The two European 
Fathers, the Roman Brahmans, were taken out of 
prison ; but as the remedy came somewhat late, through 
the fault of the Jesuit Fathers of Pondicherry, it 
appeared that one of them, attacked by fever and 
dysentery, had succumbed. He was a Portuguese, 
and his name was Simon Carvalho ; but the other, 


a French Father, was released, as well as the other 

I also received in connection with this affair a letter 
from Da,ud Khan, addressed to the King of Tanjor. 
It was full both of menaces and compliments ; its 
purport was the securing to these poor persecuted 
men the liberty they had lost. I caused it to be con- 
veyed to its destination, and by way of reply he (the 
king) announced that on the receipt of his envoy's 
letter he had complied with everything : the Christians 
were at rest, the Roman Brahmans at liberty though 
it was known that they were not Brahmans, as they 
asserted, but of the same profession as those that 
dwelt at Pondicherry. 

In spite of this, the prince was terribly enraged 
against the Christians, even going so far as to write 
to all the kings, his neighbours, asking them to destroy 
everyone of that faith found within their states. But 
the letters and menaces of Da,ud Khan put an end to 
all these disorders, and not a single prince was found 
willing to follow the king's suggestion. 

Upon the departure of the Reverend Father Martin 
for Pondicherry, I determined to visit that place 
myself, and send some of my most trusted servants 
to Tanjor. The latter were to make inquiries as 
precise as possible into the truth of the reports about 
the persecution. My object was to satisfy myself if 
what was said about the reverend French Jesuit 
Fathers in regard to the Hindu ceremonies they 
practised was true or false. On this head I assure 
you that the whole is quite true, following the report 
of my servants and the statements of certain mer- 
chants I know. In addition, there is also what I 
learnt about it from several French clerics and secular 
priests, who had seen the reports and found them 
to be quite consistent and in accordance with the 

From what I have said, and from what I said earlier, 
about the persecution it will be clearly seen what were 


its causes, its commencement, its results, its termina- 
tion. In dealing with this matter, I took my part 
so far as my duty and my insufficient zeal impelled 

I have already spoken of the General Da,ud Khan 
on several occasions. Here I must remark that he 
came to this province of the Karnatik in the month of 
January 1701, and on his arrival he camped below the 
great fortress of Arcat (Arkat), an ancient strong place 
of the Hindu kings, at a distance inland from Madras 
of about thirty-four leagues. Thence he did me the 
honour of addressing me a very civil letter, inviting 
me to pay him a visit. To do this I had not the 
slightest intention. 

But the governor of this locality (Madras) and his 
council having heard what was passing, made use of 
the occasion to send him a present and congratulate 
him on his auspicious arrival. With this object they 
prayed me to render this service to their company, 
and they associated with me in the task a Brahman 
clerk long in the service of the Company, whose 
name was Ramapa. At that time he was not in their 

I started and carried with me a fine present, consist- 
ing of two cannon, several lengths of broadcloth in 
scarlet and other colours, other pieces of gold cloth of 
Europe and China, and several rarities, such as mirrors 
of all sizes, different kinds of crystal vases, and some 
weapons such as fusils, pistols, and sabres ; also 
different kinds of wine; added to all of which was 
a sum of five thousand rupees. As soon as Da,ud 
Khan heard that I was coming, he desired to honour 
me so far as to send a captain with thirty horsemen 
and fifty musketeers to receive me at a distance of 
five leagues from his camp. 

On the following day I gave myself the honour of 
going to visit him, when he displayed much tenderness 
and friendliness. Next I conveyed to him compliments 
on behalf of our governor, but he let me understand 


that he felt much resentment, and complained that 
they had not already paid him a visit. They had not 
taken the same trouble as the Portuguese to pay him 
the usual compliments. My answer was that when 
other governors had come to occupy the position he 
held, it was the custom to visit them at this very place 
where he now was. I could not run the risk of going 
any farther, on account of the great forests there were, 
filled with robbers, where I might possibly receive 
some injury and lose much of what I was bringing. 
The Portuguese could run a greater risk, for they 
brought nothing with them, and came only to demand 

He seemed satisfied with these reasons, and others 
that I gave him, on the subject, and after much dis- 
course on divers matters I laid before him a letter and 
said to him that I had a present to offer on behalf of 
the governor and of the company ; and I prayed most 
humbly that he would deign to accept it. His reply 
was that I need then only retire for repose to a tent 
which he had had erected for me close to his mansion. 
He would send word to me of the hour at which I could 
appear, as is the custom among the Mahomedans. 
Thereupon I took my leave of the general and retired 
to the tent, and it was impossible for me to get 
away from it to pay my respects to the first minister, 
Mahamad Sayd (Muhammad Said, the diwdri), and 
all the other officers. For I expected from one 
moment to another to be called, nor did I wish to 
allow any opening for the complaint that I was not 
found in my lodgings. 

With this thought in my mind I wanted to send the 
above-mentioned Brahman to visit the chief minister, 
but he objected that it was late, and he wanted to 
bathe his body according to their custom, which is to 
bathe every day. Although he deceived me, I believed 
him all the same. However, not to neglect entirely my 
duty, according to the customs of the court, I sent a 
very honest youth, that I had brought with me from 


Madras, to make my compliments to the chief minister, 
and intimate to him my arrival in the army. I sent 
him word that it was late and I was unable to acquit 
myself of what was due from me to him, but that in the 
morning I would do so without fail. 

About half-past seven o'clock Da,ud Khan sent me 
word that I might bring the present before him. This 
I did to a great extent, only keeping back in my custody 
the money and some of the trifling things. The reason 
for my so acting was that 1 could not then give him 
the money secretly, by reason of his being accompanied 
by many officers and other persons of consideration. 
Moreover, they look on it as a distinction and an honour 
to receive presents in public, but as regards money 
they never take it but in secret. I was thus obliged 
to beg him in a low voice to give me instructions to 
whom it should be delivered. He replied in the same 
way that I must keep it, that afterwards he would 
dispose of it as he judged most fitting. The Brahman 
Ramapa did not fail to notice the good reception given 
me, and all the honours showered upon me, as also the 
friendliness displayed more and more by Da,ud Khan. 
Besides, the Nawab had fed me splendidly that evening, 
and had directed his major-domo to supply my table 
all the time I was with him just as if it were his own. 
For these reasons he (Ramapa), like a fool, proceeded 
to imagine that this would suffice, that the present 
had done all that was required, and thus it was of no 
use to give him (Da,ud Khan) anything more. It was 
advisable, Ramapa thought, to keep the money, and on 
this he imparted to me his idea. 

He suggested that we should all the same enter it 
without fail in our account, and tell the governor that 
we had paid it over. To speak the truth, I was 
surprised at such a proposal, and to start with fell into 
such a violent rage with this Brahman that, in opposi- 
tion to my nature, I spoke several sharp and harsh 
words to him, and went so far as to style him a thief 
and a traitor. For he knew very well that with the 


Mahomedans no present was better or more esteemed 
than money. 

The following day Da,ud Khan sent one of his 
servants to spy out the land, and discover from the 
Brahman how much money he had with him, and bring 
back a faithful report. He (Ramapa) quite forgot that 
the day before he had reported to another servant of 
this same Da,ud Khan that in addition to the presents 
we had brought some money, and this he had let out 
without first speaking to me. 

He told the second messenger that we had brought 
no money at all. At this information the general was 
so irritated that he sent back the present he had already 
accepted, and displayed extraordinary indignation 
against the Company. Yet with regard to me, he 
showed me still the same esteem, and did me always 
the same honour as before, in my quality as his sincere 
friend. As for the Brahman, he declined to see him 
again, and ordered the door of the house to be shut 
against him. 

However, as soon as I saw the present come back, 
I went off to see Da,ud Khan, to whom in the sweetest 
and most flattering language I pointed out the injury 
that might be inflicted on me. I prayed him most 
humbly, even if he had no concern for the Company, 
at least to call to mind our ancient friendship. I was 
rather esteemed and liked by the English and the 
gentlemen of the Company. As they had heard of 
the friendship and respect that he (Da,ud Khan) had 
for me, that fact had induced them to send me 
to him to carry through their business with him. 
Furthermore, they knew my honesty and loyalty. 

His reply was, that as for me he would do any- 
thing I wanted, but that the English settled in the 
country of the king, his master, possessed a strong 
place most useful and highly suitable for all sorts 
of merchandise and traffic. They had always been 
left undisturbed, and yet, without regard to the past, 
they now treated him in the most cavalier spirit, and 


gave him next to nothing. They failed to reflect that 
they had enriched themselves in his country to a most 
extraordinary degree. He believed that they must 
have forgotten that he was general over the province 
of the Karnatik, and that since the fall of the Gul- 
kandah kingdom they had rendered no account of 
their administration, good or bad, commencing with 
1686. Nor had they accounted for the revenues from 
tobacco, betel, wine, et cetera, which reached a 
considerable sum every year. In his capacity of 
governor-general of the province he was forced to 
work for the progress and benefit of the king's 
interests. The English were very much mistaken if 
they thought by two thousand four hundred patacas 
(Rs. 4,800) to discharge the whole of their debt and 
enjoy freely all the revenues appertaining to the 
crown of his prince. 

All this he said with the greatest imaginable fury 
and passion, which were increased by his hatred of 
the English for having killed his brother-in-law, who 
was slain in the fight at Cuddalore, as 1 have stated, 
while serving in the army of Sulaiman Khan, the 
general's brother. After his rage had cooled a little, 
he made me sit down beside him, and caused Ramapa 
to be sent for. To him he said in harsh words that 
he did not mean to accept the present, he might carry 
it back to the governor ; for his part he did not accept 
presents of that sort. He would come himself with 
all promptitude possible to take what he anticipated 
would suit him better. As regards Manouchy, he 
would not allow of his return to Madras ; he meant 
to retain him for himself, and still more so because 
he happened to want him for the treatment of some 

At these words the Brahman withdrew and repaired 
to the tent and waited for me, so that we might concert 
what ought to be done at this conjuncture. But at 
the same moment the general called a captain known 
to me, named Mirmoin (? Mir Mu'fn), an Uzbak by 


race, and ordered him to take two hundred horse 
and two thousand infantry, and proceed to Madras 
with all the haste he could. He was to invest that 
place, and prevent anything going into or coming 
out of it. He meant to follow in person very shortly. 
But the coming of night hindered the execution ot 
these orders with all the haste he desired, for they 
are very slow at making a start. 

Thus after supper I had the time to hold a conver- 
sation with Da,ud Khan at great length, and still more 
easy was it to do so that he was in high spirits, having 
drunk copiously of the European wines that I had 
brought for him. I began this talk by remarking to 
him that if he was so kind as to hold me in such high 
esteem, I must humbly supplicate him not to send 
either the captain or the soldiers. The matter was 
of the utmost importance for my reputation, which I 
placed entirely in his hands. If these soldiers pro- 
ceeded to Madras, all the European nations as well 
as the English would attribute the fault to me; I 
should pass among them for a man void of either 
faith or fealty in any business confided to me. 

I also prayed him to hinder the Brahman's departure, 
telling him the reasons I had for this course. In no 
shape or form was it advisable for him to leave except 
in my company ; to do otherwise would be to put the 
fat in the fire. As concerned the revenues, I pointed 
out to him that at the time when the English came 
and occupied Madras it was nothing but one vast 
plain full of sand, uninhabited, and without any name 
or fame in India. On the other hand, it should be 
remembered that it was now highly populous, full 
of active merchants and other residents. It was the 
money of the English and their good government 
that had created all that prosperity, coupled with 
the justice they administered to everybody without 
fear or favour. If he intended to act with so much 
harshness and injustice, all the nations of Europe 
would abandon India. He must recollect the income 


and benefits which Aurangzeb had acquired ; for from 
what entered and left Madras alone he collected more 
than one hundred thousand patacas. 

In addition, there w r ere many merchants, weavers, 
cloth-printers .and others, for all of whom the English 
provided a livelihood. Many subjects of the king of 
this realm and others knew very well that every year 
there were earned in Madras five lakhs of gold pagodas 
(equal to about one million patacas more or less), and 
over ten lakhs of silver rupees (which amounts to five 
hundred thousand patacas). The whole of this money 
remained in the country, and in exchange for all this 
the English carried off to Europe no more than some 
cotton-cloth. Let him reflect that if he objected to the 
residence of the English in Madras, and if he bothered 
his head about their gaining such considerable sums, 
it was requisite for Aurangzeb and his subjects to 
give them time to withdraw to Europe. They (the 
English) set little store by the place ; yet if they were 
forced to abandon it, they would also give up the 
other towns and factories they held in the Indies. In 
that case they would cease to be friends and become 
enemies. Upon their departure they would without 
fail seize every ship they came across, and thereby 
spread ruin and desolation throughout the Mogul 

I pointed out to him these things, not solely in 
respect of the English, but also as generally appli- 
cable to the other nations of Europe who were to 
be found in that empire. Da,ud Khan was favourably 
impressed by all these arguments, and gave me 
reasonable and satisfactory answers. In brief, he 
issued orders to stop the departure of the troops and 
the Brahman. 

The next day I paid a visit to the chief minister and 
to all my other friends, and to them I related what 
had happened to me, although they knew it already. 
However, they felt my troubles acutely, and gener- 
ously endeavoured to protect me. In this way, after 


a few days, I was given my dismissal, carrying a con- 
firmation of all the farmans and favours accorded to 
the English just in the manner that they desired. 

Da,ud Khan now took the present again ; and as he 
knew that I had the money, it being only the Brahman 
who denied the fact, because he wished to embezzle 
it like the thief and the traitor he was, he(Da,ud Khan) 
accepted the present favourably and thought highly of 
it. He told me to retain the money until he sent 
someone to receive it. Upon this I took my leave 
of him. 

Next day I sent on the present that I had for the 
chief minister, who took it with much politeness and 
many thanks. This lord is one of the most polished 
men to be found among the Mahomedans. He in- 
vited me to his table and entertained me magnificently, 
one of the greatest honours that these people can 
confer. However, the Brahman was jealous beyond 
measure of all the honours received by me from Da,ud 
Khan, from the chief minister, and all the other officers 
of the army, a feeling intensified by seeing himself 
despised and hated. 

For this reason he designed covertly to make me 
lose the esteem and reputation that I had among 
the Mahomedans, and the property I held within the 
English jurisdiction. To this end he tried to make 
use of the spies who were on the spot, men of his 
tribe, and wished to force them into writing to the 
Governor of Madras and his council that I was the 
sole cause of failure and the producer of all the dis- 
putes between the Mahomedans and the English. 
But the most intimate friends of the man knew that 
all he said was false, and all his inventions diabolic. 
They refused, but instead gave me warning of what 
was going on. They advised me not to put much 
trust in Ramapa. He, on the other hand, became 
more and more eager for my ruin and destruction, 
and had recourse to other methods. In pursuance 
of this idea he sought the advice of another Brahman 


he knew, and then returned to our quarters. I asked 
him where he had been, and he told me he had come 
from the general's. The latter had given him an order 
to place the money in the hands of the servant of a 
Brahman called Longcarne (? Langkaran). Directly 
this servant came to us, we must obey the order forth- 
with and without objection. He added to this several 
words to persuade me that such was Da,ud Khan's 

When he had finished these words he went off on 
other business, and instantly those servants appeared 
and claimed the money. The}' told me they came on 
behalf of Da,ud Khan. There were several of them, 
and as soon as one had entered, another put in an 
appearance. They solicited and importuned me to 
such an extent about this money, for which they said 
Da,ud Khan was waiting, that I remembered what 
the other Brahmans had said about not trusting 

Then I recollected that Da,ud Khan had said he 
would inform me of the name of the person to whom 
he desired that I should count out this money. For 
these reasons, then, I would not deliver it to these 
servants ; but to escape from their importunities I 
said that they had only to wait a little while I 
went to fetch the money. However, instead of doing 
this, 1 made all the haste I could to get out and find 
Da,ud Khan. I discovered him in the midst of many 
officers conducting a review of his cavalry. In spite 
of this, I went close to him, and twice over whispered 
in his ear, asking him to be gracious enough to send 
someone to receive the money. 

To these words he replied by telling me to wait 
a little. When he had finished his inspection I re- 
newed my prayer that he would be good enough to 
relieve me of that burden, since he knew very well 
that 1 could not guard it securely. At last, to satisfy 
me, he sent for his treasurer, and, after having had 
a good look first one wa} r and then another, to see 


that no one was watching, he said to him privately, and 
to me also, that he must go to receive that money. 

I returned to my quarters highly pleased, and there 
1 found no trace of the lackeys I spoke of above, nor 
have I ever seen them since. In a little time the 
treasurer arrived, and I delivered the money to him 
in the presence of several of my friends and some 
servants of the Company. He, too, was very joyful 
at receiving it, for there is no greater pleasure to 
these men than when they behold the store of their 
master on the increase. 

Some little time afterwards the Brahman Ramapa 
returned, and, although he knew all that had happened, 
he made no sign ; on the contrary, he asserted he 
knew nothing whatever. But I told him I had paid 
over the money to the general's treasurer, and not 
to the men of the Brahman Langkaran. Upon this, 
in the humblest tone and his eyes swimming with 
tears, he began to make excuse, just as is their habit ; 
for it may be truly said that these people are very 
much like crocodiles (cocordilles\ whose skin changes 
at their will and pleasure. 1 

These difficulties occasioned me much trouble, and 
were all due to the Brahman ; so great were they, that 
I was not far from losing my life. The whole affair 
caused me the more vexation because this Brahman 
had many friends at Madras, and many relations 
among the merchants who were influential with the 
governor, et cetera. In spite of this, by Heaven's help 
I was delivered entirely, upholding my own honour 
and that of the Company. Upon quitting the army I 
had the delight of hearing, mingled with other com- 
pliments, that all which had been gained was on 
account of me ; I found myself also regaled by a very 
rich sardpd (set of robes), which I showed to the 
Brahman, who also received one for himself. 

About fifteen days afterwards I returned to Madras, 
and rendered an account to the governor of all that 

1 Does he not mean to say " chameleons." 


I had done in regard to the interests of the Company 
and to the matters he had committed to me. This 
generous man, having obtained full confirmation of 
my story, was very satisfied, and gave me many 
marks of his gratitude. I did not tell him all that the 
Brahman had done to me, for he had besought me 
with tears in his eyes not to say anything. His tears 
compelled me to have compassion, and, instead of 
telling, I made over to him two lengths of cloth, 
thereby rewarding his ingratitude and infamous 
conduct by a largesse. I let him see that a generous 
and Christian heart (be it said without boasting) never 
resents the wrongs or injustice done to it. 

[Some months later Manucci had further dealings 
with Da,ud Khan, who arrived at San Thome with his 
army, on his return from collecting tribute in Tanjor 
and elsewhere.] 

Lastly he reached Madras with all his army. At 
this spot the Governor of Madras sent out to salute 
him Mr. Ellis, the second in council, accompanied by 
two other officials. They carried with them a present 
similar to the one I had given him when I applied for 
confirmation of the farmans to the Company. Their 
orders were also to pay many compliments to the chief 
minister. Of all these duties the Englishmen acquitted 

By chance I happened to be present when these 
gentlemen arrived at the camp, (because I had gone 
there also to pay my respects to the general and the 
chief minister. The visitors were badly enough 
received ; for Da,ud Khan declined to receive this 
"ordinary present" as he styled it. He told them 
plainly that these articles were not such as could be 
presented to a man of his rank. He felt astonished 
that the governor should send presents of such small 
importance ; he should remember that he was the first 
man in the province, and lieutenant-general for the 
Great Mogul. He also said to them that he was 


greatly amazed at the governor sending a Brahman 
to Arkat in the company of Dr. Manouchy, to take 
part in the discussion of their business. The matter 
was fully important enough to demand a man of 
another stamp than this Brahman, a nobody and 
of no standing. His amazement was all the greater, 
since the man had tried to do harm to Dr. Manouchy, 
who had been brought up in the courts of Asia, 
more especially that of the Great Mogul. He added 
some further words in my praise and to my honour, 
such as is not meet for me to repeat. 

In the end the Englishmen were given leave to 
depart, and they received some very fine cloth-of-gold 
and silver, of which he made them a present. He 
added many soft and sugared words, for he declared 
to them that he was a firm friend of their nation ; they 
ought to repose entire confidence in him, for he would 
at all times be ready to do them a service in all matters. 
But along with these speeches he did not omit to 
tell them that presents sent to a minister of his 
standing ought to be large and proportionate to his 
rank and authority. 

Those gentlemen wished to make excuses, but he 
declined to listen. Whatever efforts they made to 
persuade him that they were treating him exactly 
like all the other nawabs, his predecessors, and above 
all, Zu,lfiqar Khan, who is generalissimo at the 
court of the Mogul, he remained deaf to all their 
arguments. The English were much put out by this 
treatment, which was founded on nothing but cupidity. 
Therefore, foreseeing the inconveniences likely to be 
produced by his displeasure, they decided to employ 
some friends to plead their cause. They applied to 
the chief minister and others, who adjusted the quarrel. 
The conditions were that the same present should be 
sent again, adding five thousand rupees and some very 
rare European curiosities. After this they became 

Da, ad Khan subsequently (July u) sent a message 


to the governor that he was desirous of visiting him, 
as he (Pitt) could not come to San Thome. The 
governor requested me to go to that place (San 
Thome) to receive him (Da,ud Khan) (July 12), and 
escort him to this fortress (Fort St. George). This 
I did. We left San Thome with fifty horsemen, as 
previously agreed on. On our way we met the 
councillors from Madras, accompanied by a part of 
the garrison. After reciprocal compliments between 
the two parties, we resumed our journey. 

Upon reaching the gate of the town, we perceived 
all the soldiers European and Indian under arms, 
and drawn up in single rank on both sides from that 
spot up to the fort gate, while a number of armed men 
were on the town wall and the fort wall. These were 
arranged in excellent order, much to the astonishment 
of Da,ud Khan, who could not repress signs of admira- 
tion. Still greater was his amazement when, as they 
drew near the fort gateway the soldiers and officers, 
on catching sight of the governor, drew themselves 
up in line and went through divers movements which 
were quite unknown to him. They were only done in 
his honour and that of the governor. But being 
unaccustomed to all this military ceremonial, he was 
thrown into a state of confusion and apprehension. 
He believed himself to be already a prisoner. For 
this reason he spoke to me in a loud voice, requesting 
that all these men might be withdrawn. I reassured 
him, saying it was nothing but the usual ceremonial 
and method among these troops ; he should not be in 
the least afraid, or suspect anything. At the same 
time I took care to cry out to the soldiers that they 
must retire. 

While 1 was speaking the governor arrived, accom- 
panied by a large number of officials and servants. 
I told him (Pitt) he must embrace Da,ud Khan, who 
by this time had dismounted with all his retinue. 
This embrace was given, and then the chief minister 
and the bakhshl were received in the same fashion. 


Then we entered the fort, where the governor paid 
him innumerable tokens of respect and friendship and 
conducted him to his rooms. These were magnifi- 
cently furnished. The bed in his room was covered 
with a quilt of (blank). He admired it in a way to 
show that he had never seen one like it before, and 
he begged me to ask the governor if he could give him 
a pattern of that coverlet, and this I did in a low voice. 

The latter (Pitt), readier even to give than the other 
to ask, made him a present of two others. He even 
offered to give him the whole bed. Da,ud Khan 
would not accept this, contenting himself with the 
two bed covers, these being of a wonderful, extra- 
ordinary, and strange workmanship. Upon entering 
the room the governor presented to him a ball of 
ambergris mounted in gold, with a rich chain of the 
same metal. After this was done they sat down, and 
the conversation turned on various subjects with 
offers of service. When the talk was finished, the 
governor sent for wine, and drank to the health of 
King Aurangzeb to a salute of thirty-one guns. 

Da,ud Khan responded to this by drinking the 
health of the King of England to the sound of as 
many cannon as before. Then they drank the health 
of the chief minister (waz\r\ Asad Khan, who is 
nowadays Mirolo Morao (Amir-ul-uinara) that is 
" Noble of Nobles." This title was borne by Aurang- 
zeb's uncle and father-in-law (i.e. Shaistah Khan, 
died 1695). A salute of twenty-one guns was fired. 
This was followed by a toast to Zul,lfiqar Khan, and 
one to Da,ud Khan himself, each with the same 
number of cannon. To end with, they drank to the 
Dtwdn, the chief minister of this general, and to his 
bakhshl, each time to the sound of fifteen cannon. 

He was astonished at the rapidity and dexterity 
with which everything was carried out, and was 
highly gratified by it all. While these ceremonies 
were taking place, they made him a present of several 
cases of liqueurs, spirits, and wines of Europe of 


different sorts. All these he greatly prized. Next 
he was led into a large hall adorned with all kinds 
of arms. There he found a magnificent dinner pre- 
pared in European and Indian fashion. He admired 
the variety of the arms, for which, however, he had 
no envy, unless for the spears. Having asked the 
governor for one, two were given to him. 

He then went to seek repose for an hour, and after 
that took his leave. The governor accompanied him 
as far as the fort gateway, the general protesting 
against his coming any farther. There they reiterated 
their compliments and polite speeches, and Mr. Pitt 
wished him a pleasant journey. On his side the 
general put forward many offers of service, and assured 
him of a perpetual peace, wishing him every success in 
his enterprises and trading; and said he would ever 
remain his friend and protector so long as he ruled the 

The governor did not withdraw until Da,ud Khan 
had mounted his horse nay, wanted to hold the 
stirrup for him, but this Da,ud Khan would not allow. 
But to me he said in a low voice that he would like to 
be saluted with some salvoes of artillery as he was 
leaving the town. This desire was carried out, the 
musketeers also accompanying him to the boundary of 
San Thome. I went with him half-way there, when 
he said that as it was already late I might go back to 
Madras. All this he said with many compliments and 
a thousand expressions of civility, ending by saying 
that he hoped to pass still two or three days in my 
house at the Big Mount, and rest himself there. I 
consented with the greatest pleasure, as may be 
imagined. 1 went there to see him before he started 
for Arkat, when he gave me a valuable set of robes, and 
repeated his offer of serving me just as he was used to 
do on previous occasions. 

The above is the mode in which things happened 
and an arrangement was arrived at, the Mahomedans 
making profuse protestations to the English of service 


and friendship. We shall see next how these perfidious 
men acquitted themselves of such promises. At the 
end of December 1701 I was at Pondicherry on business 
connected with the Tanjor persecutions, of which I 
have already spoken. At the end of January in the 
next year (1702) I had trustworthy information that 
Da,ud Khan and the diwan and the whole army were 
about to leave Arkat again for Madras. This fact I 
learned from different sources through various friends 
and officials known to me, some of whom sent a warn- 
ing to me that during this march some harm was 
intended to Madras. 

He had received peremptory orders from the court 
to deal rigorously with the English. 

This news forced me to forsake the pleasant company 
of the French, in order to return with all possible 
haste to Madras. I arrived there on February 2 of the 
same year (1702). On my taking leave of them the 
governor, Francois Martin, and the other officials of 
the Royal Company, strongly enjoined me to let them 
know what happened between the English and Mahome- 
dans, sending off immediately express messengers 
(pions). This requisition I executed without fail. 

A few days afterwards I warned Governor Pitt of 
Da,ud Khan's approach. In fact he arrived at San 
Thome two days afterwards. On my advice they sent 
him a Mahomedan servant of and trader under the 
Company, named Coja Ammad (Khwajah Ahmad), as 
also another merchant of the town named Narapa. 
But the second man fell ill and only the first named 
went ; I went also. 

There I found the general, the diwan, the bakhshl, 
and all the officers assembled. They received me 
most cordially, showing many signs of joy and em- 
bracing me. They sent without delay for Khwajah 
Ahmad, who appeared at once. They directed him to 
inform the Governor of Madras that they desired his 
presence at San Thome. They had important matters 
to communicate to him. If he could not come himself. 


would he send the second and the third in council 
(February 4 or 15)? Then Da,ud Khan and the diwan 
turned towards me, and said I must confirm to these 
gentlemen (the English) whatever Khwajah Ahmad had 
been ordered to report to them. Then taking me aside 
privately, they told me to be sure to tell the said 
governor to come himself without fail, or send the two 
others of his council. Then they said we must both 
return to San Thome, showing thereby that they had 
no confidence in Khwajah Ahmad, and had no belief in 
his truthfulness. 

When we arrived at Madras we went together to see 
the governor, and told him what the Mahomedans had 
charged us to say to him. To this he replied that he 
neither meant to go himself nor send any of his council. 
He declined to do so on several grounds, principally 
because neither the second nor the third nor anyone 
else could speak " Maure" (the language spoken by the 
Mahomedans). But he urged me earnestly to return 
to the general (Da,ud Khan) along with Khwajah 
Ahmad, and explain the reasons which hindered him 
from complying with his request. If he had any 
negotiations to make with him and his council, he 
could conduct them safely through Khwajah Ahmad as 
their qualified procurator. 

The real reason why the governor declined to send 
anyone is that he feared the Mahomedans might oblige 
them by force to execute some writing by which they 
undertook to be responsible for all piracies throughout 
the seas, and on all the coasts of India. This is what 
they (the Mahomedans) had done at Surat to the other 
directors of the companies of France, Holland, and 
England. Or he feared they might be seized and 
constrained to pay considerable sums to recover their 
liberty. This was a customary enough act among the 
Mahomedans, and yet it would greatly injure their 

However, Khwajah Ahmad and I returned to San 
Thome. I repeated to Da,ud Khan and the diwan all 


that the governor had said to me. As I was about to 
leave I perceived that things were approaching a 
rupture, whereupon I humbly besought them not to 
employ me in such thorny affairs. The intention of 
the two Mahomedans was to make use of me as 
mediator between the two parties. They had great 
faith in me because I spoke the language fairly well, 
and they imagined that without harming much the one 
or the other, I should deal with things to their advan- 
tage and that in some degree I should adopt their side 
rather than the other. 

Thus they laid before my eyes the great danger the 
English stood in of losing Madras. In so doing they 
somehow forgot that I, too, had been suckled in Europe 
as much as the English ; that, for the honour of my 
country and of all the other European nations, I was 
under greater obligation to them (the English) than I 
could possibly be to the Mahomedans. Under these 
circumstances I parted from them as civilly as I could, 
and on sufficiently good terms, in order to be able to 
advise the governor of what I thought best for his 
reputation and the defence of the town. 

[The English made preparations to resist any attack, 
protesting at the same time against the high-handed 
methods of Da,ud Khan, who confiscated thirty loads 
of fine cloth and also took possession of three villages. 
Their protests were of no avail.] 

However, Da,ud Khan and the diwan, having come 
to the conclusion that the English were quite resolved 
on resistance, that the town was fairly strong and 
very well provided with artillery, and had a garrison 
of eight hundred seasoned soldiers, decided to send 
a message asking the governor to send me to San 
Thome. They were ready to discuss matters with 
me and settle the dispute to the advantage of the 
company. In spite of some time having elapsed 
without my having seen the one or the other of the 
parties, the governor lost no time in sending me. 

After an exchange of the usual compliments, Da,ud 


Khan began his reproaches about the English, whom 
he designated as over-proud and defiers of his king's 
orders. In reply, I laid before him several arguments, 
which I will not set forth, to avoid wearying my 
readers. All I will mention is that I showed to him 
the great harm being done to the king's interests by 
the way he was acting. For these nations, worn out 
by such continuous ill-treatment, must inevitably in 
the end leave the country and close their trade ; but 
as soon as ever they got out to sea they would 
capture every merchant vessel they came across. 
They would make descents upon the ports upon the 
sea-shore, would carry off all they could find, would 
give quarter neither to rich nor poor, and wherever 
they landed would spread fire and desolation. 

To all this I added that, if they declined to listen 
to these arguments, so important in the interest of 
their king, I would, being his (the king's) servant, go 
to the court myself and prove to him the innocence 
of the English and the injustice being done to all 
Europeans. No consideration was being paid to the 
fact that these merchants were neither the defenders 
nor the protectors of these pirates, from whom they 
also suffered, and it was this very cause that made 
it impossible for i any of the European nations to 
suppress them, or give the king the undertaking that 
he demanded. 

In spite of this, Da,ud Khan wrote to the French 
at Pondicherry, the Dutch at Negapatam, and the 
Danes at Tranquebar, calling on them to send men 
and ships to help him against the English at Madras. 
These people, all of them, made excuses. While this 
was in progress attempts were made to appease the 
Mahomedans by pleasant words, and making them 
limited promises. They were not thereby deterred 
from continuing their investment (of Madras), although 
carrying it out less rigorously than at first ; in fact, 
four Englishmen who had been made prisoners at 
San Thome by Da,ud Khan's orders, when on their 


way from Cuddalore, were now released and sent 
here (Madras), each being presented with a chaal 

I communicated to Monsieur Martin, Governor of 
Pondicherry, all that happened between the Mahome- 
dans and the English. I told him it would be a good 
thing to send some men to Da,ud Khan and the diwan, 
so as to turn their minds from doing at Pondicherry 
what they were then doing at Madras. Thus that 
governor (Martin), who is extremely prudent and 
well versed in the Mahomedan way of governing, 
decided to send one person with some presents for 
Da,ud Khan, the diwan, and some other officials. Con- 
sequently, on the 1 5th of the month of March of this 
year (1702), Monsieur Desprez, a merchant of the 
Royal Company, arrived at San Thome, and at once 
informed me of his presence, sending me a letter 
from the governor. In it Monsieur Martin recom- 
mended me to this gentleman, and prayed me to aid 
and assist him in his negotiations with Da,ud Khan 
and the other officials. 

As soon as I heard this news I threw up all the 
business I had at Madras, and transferred myself in 
all haste to San Thome, wishing to be of use to the 
French to the utmost of my powers. This desire was 
increased by the fact that I have always esteemed, 
and shall continue to esteem, them by reason of their 
fine qualities and the honourable attentions with which 
they have overwhelmed me. 

After I had arrived at San Thome I had a con- 
versation with the said Monsieur Desprez. I found 
him very much troubled ; for never before, all his life 
long, had he been concerned in a similar business, and 
had never paid a visit to a Mahomedan of this rank. 
I gave him encouragement, and told him I would do 
all that was necessary to carry through the affairs of 
the Royal Company. I would accompany him on 
his visit to Da,ud Khan, the diwan, the bakhshi, each 
one separately. This I did, and he was well received 


by these lords, who gave him many testimonies of the 
regard in which they held the French, and betrayed 
to him their pleasure at the French having sent to 
compliment them so very politely. 

Monsieur Desprez had brought a present for Da,ud 
Khan, and one for the cfawan, and never dreamt that 
the bakhshi would also require to be remembered. 
But I adjusted all that ; I observed that there was 
enough in what he had brought to bear division into 
three parts; this I did. In this way they were highly 
contented, and he obtained his leave to depart after 
a very short delay. It took him only eight days to 
get through the business. When he said good-bye, 
the nawab and all the other officials requested him to 
assure his governor of their friendship. He might 
live unconcerned, nor need he have the slightest 
doubt about the respect they had for his person- 
ality ; and in all that lay in their power they would 
be always ready to help the French of the Royal 
Company. It sufficed that Monsieur Manouchy was 
the governor's friend to ensure their giving all the 
help that lay in their power, for was not he 
(Manucci) loved and respected by all the ministers 
of Aurangzeb ? 

Da,ud Khan sent to Monsieur Martin a very fine 
horse, valued at one thousand rupees, along with a 
costly set of robes; another set was given to the 
said Monsieur Desprez. The diwan and bakhshi 
also gave him a very good set each, and sent him 
off in a satisfactory manner. He bore with him 
a complimentary letter to the governor, and the 
latter was highly satisfied, being hardly able to con- 
tain himself for joy at being thus delivered from such 

In the year 1703 I received a letter from Da,ud Khan 
and another from the diwan Chaadetulcan (Sa'adatullah 
Khan), and several others from other lords. By these 
letters they entreated me to visit them, especially as 
they had much need of me. I began my journey on 


February 27 of the same year (1703), and found the 
said general at the town of Carpa (Cudapah, Karapa), 
distant one hundred and twenty leagues from Madras. 
I was very well received by these gentlemen accord- 
ing to their customs. They asked me to be so good 
as to treat a captain named Mohamed Jafar (Muhammad 
Ja'far), a Persian by race. 1 would not undertake the 
case, for he was already moribund in fact, he died 
a few days afterwards. During the short time I was 
with their army I got no time to rest, for everybody 
pestered me, as their way is, for medicines even those 
who had no need of them. They would say as a 
reason : " I have no appetite ; give me some medicine 
to make me eat like an elephant, or like a camel, or, at 
any rate, like a horse." And all these brute-like de- 
mands simply to have strength to slake their sensuality, 
for their minds are filled with, and they have no other 
diversion than, the desire to steal all they can, for no 
other object than the accomplishment of their carnal 

At the end of fifteen days they gave me leave to go 
in an honourable manner, conferring on me a sardpa 
(set of robes) and enough money to pay the cost of 
my journey. These gentlemen gave me a letter for 
the governor of this place (Madras), conveying many 
thanks for having sent me, and they told him other 
details of my journey. Verbally they directed me to 
say to the said governor that he must give back three 
villages, those that Zu,lfiqar Khan had presented to 
the Honourable Company of England in the days of 
his being governor ; since then fresh orders had been 
received to take possession of them again. 

I arrived at Madras, and carried out the orders that 
had been given to me. But the governor, Thomas 
Pitt, paid no heed to the message ; for having much 
experience he knows perfectly the manners and cus- 
toms of this kind of people. They seek continually 
fresh methods of capturing some money. His reply 
to them was, that he was the owner of the villages, 


and that he meant to keep them, so much so that to 
this day he remains in possession. 

On this reply there came certain menaces, but in the 
end the thing blew over without further disturbance. 

The said diwan gave me another letter for the 
Governor of Pondicherry, Francois Martin, which 
contained but some compliments and friendly ex- 
pressions. But the said diwan or governor directed 
me verbally to say to the said Sieur Martin that he 
had received orders from the King Aurangzeb to 
obtain the lands controlled by Pondicherry. The 
answer given (by the French) was that they had 
been bought from the hands of Roma Raja (Ram 
Raja), son of Shiva Jt, that afterwards they had 
received them back at the hands of the Dutch ; that 
the lands were in their possession, and they meant 
to keep them to all eternity. After this reply they 
sent him a few presents, and since then nothing more 
has been said about the matter. It is the fashion of 
these Moguls to make a display of power (in this way) 
and proclaim themselves all-powerful and masters of 
everything. Subsequently, when they discover that 
they cannot overcome either by force or artifice, they 
dissemble, but if at a future time an occasion presents 
itself, they keep neither their word nor the friendship 
that they had promised. 


I noticed in this little journey that the country is 
full of hills, and that the roads are very narrow. 
Thus, had the inhabitants displayed any courage or 
valour it would never have been possible for the 
Moguls, with all the forces at their command, to 
make themselves masters of it. I also beheld several 
ancient fortresses built by the Hindu princes of the 
Karnatik ; for those who are nowadays in command 
on behalf of the Mogul had been warned of my 
approach, and invited me to visit them. ach one 


made me a present, such as some pieces of silk, some 
shawls, et cetera, and treated me most splendidly 
according to their fashion. It is true that the} r did 
not present these things to me for nothing, for in 
return I gave them such medicines as they wanted. 

I noticed that these fortresses had not been de- 
signed by good architects or engineers. The works 
are (?weak) in spite of their walls being built of great 
hewn stones fixed in cement, and their being provided 
with hollow r s or ditches right round them. In some 
ditches there is a water supply, in others none. The 
forts have also some pieces of artillery twenty to 
twenty-five feet long, of which the calibre is so 
extremely large that a big fat man can easily get 
inside. The greater number of these guns lie on 
the ground outside the fort gates. There are, in 
addition, a few inside in different positions. I also 
noticed some small pieces on the walls and bastions, 
carrying a ball of from one half-pound to three pounds 
weight. They were mounted on heavy blocks of wood, 
without carriages or wheels, and their muzzles pointed 
into the air. 

Their only use is to make a noise and smoke on the 
days when a new moon appears, or when it is intended 
to frighten someone, for to go through any drill with 
them, or to teach how to aim them in one direction 
or another, that is an impossible thing. Nevertheless, 
the Mogul never omits to sanction the money neces- 
sary for efficiently providing all these fortresses, and 
sees that there are faithful officers in charge, such as 
Darroges (daroghak) Ammy (amiri), and Morseg 
(mushrif) that is to say (blank in the original). In 
addition there is a commandant at each fortified place. 
But the whole lot are thieves, and the places are kept 
like cowsheds. 

During this journey I also received an invitation 
from Gulla Maly Can (Qhulam 'Alt Khan), governor 
of the fortress of Velours (Velur, Vellore), my ancient 
friend who gave himself up to Da,ud Khan, as 1 have 


related. This lord received me with great joy, the 
more so that at the moment they were in the midst 
of feasts and banquets in honour of some grandson 
of his. This event he had looked forward to for 
several years past, and now attributed to the virtues 
of my medicine the appearance in the world of this 
new heir to his wealth. For this reason he gave 
me several things and uttered many expressions of 
gratitude ; in addition he sent with me as an escort 
twenty-five horsemen and five matchlock men. 

The fortress of Vellore is large and well built. It 
has lateral supporting walls and the ditch is large, 
about fifty cubits in width, and filled by springs 
rising in it. The water is full of crocodiles, and 
if by misfortune anyone falls into it he is at once 
torn to pieces and eaten up by them. Out of 
curiosity I went quite close to the ditch ; these 
animals, seeing on the water the shadow of human 
beings, at once opened their jaws. I threw them a 
goat, which they tore to pieces at once and ate, 
snatching the pieces out of each other's jaws. I ob- 
served that at the noise these made other crocodiles 
rushed from different parts of the ditch. They were 
in such great numbers, and there was such con- 
fusion, that they could not be counted. They kept 
their heads out of the water and their jaws wide 
open. As a pastime I threw them several goats 
in pieces; they fell upon the pieces, and without 
any chewing swallowed them at one mouthful. At 
another place I made the men throw in some heads 
of goats with large horns. But no sooner had they 
been thrown in than the crocodiles with a toss of the 
head had at once swallowed them, for these animals 
are monstrous. It can also be said that they render 
the fortress stronger, and defend it from any assault 
that might be delivered. But what protection are 
they against the high hills surrounding the place, 
from the summit of which the walls could be knocked 
down by pieces of artillery ? 


According to the custom of the country there come 
at times strange men who, as a sacrifice for their sins, 
throw themselves into this ditch. The Mahomedans 
often sacrifice buffaloes, cows, goats, et cetera, and all 
this forms the food of the crocodiles. Da,ud Khan, 
when he mastered the fortress, had all the thieves 
caught in the army thrown to these crocodiles. This 
he did by way of a thanksgiving sacrifice for the 
reduction of a place of such fame. This is what 
they ordinarily do to secure good success in their 




AFTER Da,ud Khan had taken the fortress of Pilconda 
(Penukonda), as already stated, he came to San Thome 
in the month of November (1706). Before entering 
the town he rested for one day and one night in my 
house, situated at the foot of Monte Grande (the Great 
Mount, of which I have already spoken). I was unable 
to go out myself to meet him by reason of the heavy 
rain then falling. 

The following day he came on to San Thome, and 
went straight to see the Lord Bishop, prostrating him- 
self at his feet, as is their custom in the case of religious 
mendicants. The bishop received him in the church 
with music and instruments. On his leaving he pre- 
sented three hundred and fifty rupees to the household 
of the said Most Illustrious, and then retired to his 

As I was anxious to pay him a visit, the Governor 
of Madras, Thomas Pitt, asked me to go in company of 
the envoys he must that day send. I acceded to the 
governor's wishes. 

The envoys were the following : Mester Rabart 
(Raworth) and Mester Fedorik (Frederick), both of 
the Council ; the third Mester Devenport (Davenport), 
secretary, the fourth Mester Canosbin (Coningsby), 
both well-born, well-instructed young men of good 
carriage. Joined with them was the doctor of 
the Honourable Company, called Doctor Botler 



The four above-mentioned gentlemen were mounted 
on handsome Arabian and Persian horses, while the 
doctor and I were in palanquins. During the march 
there went in front one hundred halberdiers, men of 
the country ; behind them were carried two flags, and 
after these marched sixty-two European soldiers, 
commanded by a sergeant. We went on and found 
Da,ud Khan in a large tent erected on the sea-shore, 
and fitted with carpets. He was seated on a small 
bedstead and clothed in simple raiment. On our 
entering the tent he rose and embraced us all, then 
made us sit near him. He displayed much urbanity, 
and was most courteous. After exchanging compli- 
ments, we passed an hour and a half in conversation 
with him. He professed himself a warm friend of the 
governor, praising his good administration. 

Upon giving us our leave he presented us each with 
an emerald ring worth two hundred rupees, and placed 
in the hands of Mester Rabart (Raworth) a jewel to be 
presented to the governor ; it was worth five hundred 
rupees. He remarked that he was sending it in 
sign of remembrance, and he would be glad to meet 
him and drink a glass or two to his health in his 

The next day the governor sent him a messenger, 
a person of standing, with many compliments, to say 
that he would expect him during his march. Da,ud 
Khan started, but half-way reflected that the English 
would never permit his entry with a number of 
retainers and that some dispute might arise between 
the soldiers on both sides. Thus, stipulating with 
me to get his salute of guns from the city, he halted. 
He proposed going to a garden belonging to an 
English resident of that city, and sent word to the 
governor that from certain reasons he had changed 
his mind as to his visit. At once there started to greet 
him the same Englishmen as specified above, and with 
them a young man, a private merchant named Mester 
Lester (Lister), son-in-law of Daniel Chardin, also a 


famous merchant, and much esteemed by him (Da,ud 
Khan). I, too, was of the company. 

The banquet which had been prepared was carried 
to the garden along with several cases of good wine. 
When the meal was finished they made him a present 
of eight pieces of broad-cloth of various colours, 
different pieces of silver plate, such as candlesticks, 
fan-boxes, basins, inkstands, boxes, scent-sprinklers, 
et cetera, two large mirrors in gilt frames, several 
chests of liqueurs, Persian wine, and rose-water, 
a large quantity of dried fruit, almonds, walnuts, 
filberts, pistachios, apricots, et cetera, the whole 
amounting in cost to seven thousand rupees. The 
Nawab, pleased and satisfied, resumed his journey, 
and passed six days in San Thome. I felt it my 
duty to pay him a visit every day in return for 
the obligations I was under, and also because he 
asked me. 

As Da,ud Khan was suffering from sciatic pains, he 
sent a man to beg the governor of this place (Madras) 
to do him the favour of lending him the services of his 
medical man to treat him. In reply the governor sent 
his doctor with all the articles requisite. 

At this time (when Da,ud Khan was laid up) the 
Lord Bishop went to pay him a visit, and gave him a 
present of some torches and candles of white wax. 
He explained that he was a poor "darvesh" and had 
no wealth with which to find presents. He was 
received most courteously. On the next day Da,ud 
Khan went to see him, and said good-bye. He was 
received in the way I have already described, and 
once more he gave the bishop three hundred and fifty 
rupees. He drank a considerable quantity of wine, 
and the principal Portuguese inhabitants, to the 
number of four, were present. 

One day before his departure I went to take my 

leave. We then had a long conversation, and he 

expressed his approval of the liqueurs and cordials 

that on several occasions I had forwarded. I now 



presented some more. He gave me a present of a 
costly set of robes, and of three hundred and fifty 
rupees. He added that it was only a small sum, and 
must be made over to the little children in my house ; 
and he would not ask me to accompany him, so as to 
spare me the fatigue of the march, I being a man 
already getting on in years. He begged me to con- 
tinue my friendship as before, and he would never 
forget me. 

During the conversation a dispatch-rider arrived 
from the court with a number of letters. Among 
them was one from Zu,lfiqar Khan, of whom I have 
already spoken. By it he entrusted him with some 
business, and also in it directed him to make over to 
me seven hundred rupees as a present. Da,ud Khan 
executed this second commission on the spot. That 
noble (Zu,lfiqar Khan) had been condescending 
enough to write to me several times to ask for some 
lotions and medicines, by means of which his wife, 
who suffered from her eyes, had been cured. 

Da,ud Khan started, and took with him the doctor. 
Before they left he gave him one hundred and fifty 
gold pagodas, which comes to five hundred and twenty 
rupees in silver, and a valuable set of robes. 


Two days after the departure of these French 
captains the marriage took place of the Lord Governor 
Martin's granddaughter to Monsieur Ardancour 
(Hardancourt), commissary and second councillor. 
A grand banquet was given, followed by music and 
dancing, at which were also present the son of 
Governor Ruberto (Gabriel Roberts) of the fortress 
of Tevanapatam, and a councillor called Mester Barlu 
(Mr. Berleu). When the festivities were ended, they 
returned to Tevanapatam, and I in their company, 
wishing to pay a visit to Governor Ruberto (Roberts), 


my old friend. This gentleman received me with 
great politeness, and after several healths were drunk 
we had music and dancing. 

In the midst of this joyous intercourse there reached 
me, almost at midnight, a mounted orderly bearing a 
letter, which recalled me with all urgency to Pondi- 
cherry. I was wanted at once to treat the Lord 
Governor Martin, who was seriously ill. Upon 
hearing this sad news I and the rest of the company 
were much pained, not merely at having to break up 
our feast, but equally at learning of the grave indis- 
position of an old and affectionate friend. At once I 
was given my leave to depart, on condition of paying 
another visit to Tevanapatam, which I promised 
to do. 

I began my journey at once, and at break of day 
arrived in Pondicherry. I found the good old man, 
then seventy-three years of age, in a high fever, with 
pains in the head, absence of sleep, and other symp- 
toms. I started on the treatment forthwith, and held 
a consultation with the doctors of the Royal Com- 
pany, one of whom was named Monsieur Maquari, 
and the other Monsieur Albert. By our efforts and 
the drugs we administered he was placed out of 
danger, and by dieting and care was restored to 
perfect health. 

Not to break my word, and in compliance with the 
messages sent me, I went back to Tevanapatam, to 
the contentment of all my friends ; thence back to 
Pondicherry, and finally back to my own house in 
Madras. Here I received news that a Monsieur 
Delavale, a married man and resident of Juncalam 
(Ujung Salang), a land belonging to the King of Siam, 
had turned pirate. It is three years ago that he 
came to Madras in the guise of a merchant. I gave 
him money to trade with, as did many other persons 
of this settlement. Having acquired enough money 
and a supply of goods in this country, he left it. 
To disabuse his creditors of any hope they entertained 


of being repaid at any rate, the capital amount he 
captured an English boat loaded with cloth from 
Bengal, and took its captain a prisoner. 

The governor of the place (Ujung Salang), on the 
facts being reported, sent orders to seize Delavale ; 
but he fled, followed by all his companions, taking 
with him the prisoner, but abandoning his house and 
wife. The governor of the country took possession 
of his wife and of all the merchandise. Monsieur 
Delavale sought refuge in another province of the 
same kingdom, ruled over by a man who was an enemy 
to the other governor. The followers of this pirate 
Delavale are two in number, one called Monsieur 
Masson, the other Monsieur de Roubal. These events 
have caused such consternation among the merchants, 
that not one of them will venture on a voyage to that 


[A certain French doctor being on bad terms with 
his wife, she left him, and, taking her youngest son 
with her, fled to her relations at Lahor.] 

The afflicted surgeon made great efforts to recover his 
little son, but never succeeded. The child's detainers 
were too strongly protected. Maria de Ataides taught 
him in the Mahomedan way, and he learned to read the 
Quran. The Maria de Ataides in question had an 
ancient eunuch in her service who directed her house- 
hold. He was a very avaricious man, and advised 
his mistress to kill her niece and take possession 
of her property. The lady, without further con- 
sideration, accepted the proposal, and gave her niece 

While the niece was in the throes of death, an old 
woman-servant of hers came secretly to call me in. 
I started in all haste, but did not arrive in time to 
be of any use to her, the whole of her body having 


already become black. Therefore, when I had enjoined 
her to ask God's forgiveness, she called upon the name 
of Jesus as well as she could, and shortly afterwards 
expired. When the surgeon heard of his wife's death 
he was quite happy, and over and over again asked 
the king for leave to return to his own country, but 
all in vain. Once more he wrote a letter to Maria de 
Ataides, in which he said she ought to send back his 
son at once. If she did not, he had decided to make 
the boy over to Begum Sahib, who would send men to 
seize him. 

Maria de Ataides was annoyed at this threat, and 
was, in addition, afraid of some censure against her 
being issued by the court. Thus she had the boy 
circumcised at once, and continued his training in 
Mahomedan tenets. Whenever I had the opportunity 
I never omitted to console the boy, to teach him, and 
to hold out hopes that his father would still be of 
some benefit to him. Seeing that the youth received 
consolation from, and believed in, my words, and 
being also anxious to deliver him from Mahomedanism, 
I took the liberty of saying to him that if he wanted 
to leave that house and go to his father, I would help 
him, and provide the necessary expenses. I knew 
that his father was waiting for him, and meant to 
marry him to the daughter of the officer in command 
of the fortress of Daman, who was providing her 
with a dowry of twenty thousand rupees. To these 
overtures the youth replied that he would carry out 
all my orders. At once, and in secret, I found four 
guardians who could represent the youth before the 
courts if, upon obtaining his liberty, he should en- 
deavour to recover part of what belonged to his 
mother. The youth left the house secretly and joined 
these guardians, who were waiting. They took him 
without delay to the qazVs court, a man who was my 
friend, and to whom I had in addition recommended 
this client's interests in the shape of some presents I 
had given him. 


The guardians' action was such that the boy Ignatio 
was restored to liberty, and recovered something, 
though nothing of consequence, out of what had 
belonged to his mother. This small effort cost me 
two thousand rupees, which equals one thousand 
patacas. I reported to his father, then at the court in 
Dihli, what had been managed, at the same time ad- 
vising him that as soon as his son arrived he should 
send him into Portuguese territory, so as to be 
protected from Mahomedan outrage. 

When Ignatio reached the paternal dwelling he 
was very pleased, but, finding that his father was not 
sending him away from Mahomedan territory, as I 
had suggested, he said to him : " My father, why do 
you keep me in the house and do not at once send me 
into Portuguese territory ? Do you not see that one 
of these days the Mahomedans will come to steal me?" 
The ignorant father answered that he kept him in his 
house to revenge himself on Maria de Ataides, and to 
be able to recover the plunder that his wife had robbed 
him of. What an impossibility ! 

Thus my counsels were of no use to him, nor did in 
aught avail the words and repeated insistence of his 
son. We shall see what things came to pass. After 
twelve days the men of Maria de Ataides went to 
Dibit, and, asserting that the youth was in his father's 
house, they went before the king, and recounted to 
him the above circumstances. Forthwith the king 
ordered soldiers to be sent to seize the youth and 
bring him to the presence. As soon as the king saw 
him he appointed him one of his pages, with charge of 
carrying his sword during audience, being a well- 
formed and graceful youth. Then after some years 
he was appointed captain of artillery, and at the present 
time is married and has sons and daughters. 

The old surgeon stayed on at court without obtain- 
ing leave to depart. Then he decided on flight from 
Aurangabad for Daman. This he managed to do, but 


the end was not favourable. At the time I arrived at 
Surat orders had been received to catch the surgeon, 
who had fled from the court. He was very easy to 
recognise, for he bore a knife scar across his face from 
one ear to the other, due to a wound inflicted by one 
of his compatriots. I was then in Dihlt newly from 
Persia. The governor, in his attempts to find the 
surgeon, learnt that a surgeon (that being I) had arrived 
from court. 

At once he sent off a messenger to my house, who 
informed me, on behalf of the governor, that I must at 
once appear in his presence. At that time I had fever, 
and the insolent fellow (they are all like that) would 
not take my excuses, or accept the complimentary 
message I sent to the governor, whose name was 
Cartalapan (Kar-talab-Khan). The man spoke with 
great rudeness, and made as if he meant to take me 
away by force. At this movement I lost patience, and, 
getting to my feet, gave him several shoe strokes, and 
threw him downstairs. Thus, beaten as he was, he 
returned to the presence of the governor with outcries, 
making out a little more than he had suffered. As the 
governor was a cautious man, he sent a person of 
standing, making over to him a letter from the court, 
in which was entered the mark on the face as a means 
of recognising the surgeon. 

On his reaching my house, as soon as I saw him I 
recognised that we were old friends. He reported the 
facts to the governor, and he sent word to me that as 
soon as I was well again he would come to see me. 
Three days having elapsed, the fever left me, and I 
repaired to the governor's. I was well received by 
him, as he required medicines from me. Whilst we 
were in conversation they brought in the surgeon. 
He was taken away that night to another house, and 
next morning was sent back to court. These events 
took place in 1680, in the month of September. In 
1686 the king consented to his leaving, looking on him 
as a man already old -and no longer of any use. 


This same doctor in 1672 had another mishap. 
Being then, as I have said, desirous of leaving for 
Europe, he expended seven thousand rupees on dia- 
monds. He showed his purchase to a young man 
who in his wanderings had arrived at his house. 
Being a fellow-countryman, he placed great faith in 
him, and never dreamt of his plotting treachery against 

One day when the doctor had gone to make his 
appearance at court, the ungrateful youth opened the 
casket with a key that he had got made, and took the 
diamonds and as much money as seemed to him neces- 
sary for expenses. He then fled. He might have 
carried off a great deal more than he actually took, but 
this he refrained from doing, not wishing to carry such 
a weight as would hinder the celerity of his movements. 
When the surgeon returned from the audience hall to 
his house, he perceived the loss he had suffered. By 
much exertion he sent off different persons in many 
directions to search for the thief. He also wrote to the 
(European) factors living at the seaports. But all his 
efforts produced no results, for never more was that 
young man heard of. It may well be that he was 
robbed by other thieves and his life taken, as on many 
occasions I have seen happen. 

I pray the prudent reader not to grow angry at such 
advice, but if I write it so often, I do it solely to warn 
any inquiring traveller who may wish to wander 
through the world, and teach him at others' cost how 
to look after himself. In voyaging prudence is re- 
quired, and, above all, patience, for in most instances 
it is only through the rashness of youth that such 
difficulties arise ; and men are generally the originators 
of their own ruin, and may even risk the loss of life. 
The following story may serve as an example : 

When I was a youth, at the beginning of Aurangzeb's 
reign, it was my custom to go out on Thursdays. On 
that day there is a great concourse of men and ladies 
of the city (Dihli) who come out to visit sepulchres and 


obtain recreation in the gardens of Khwajah Qutb-ud- 
din, outside the city of Dihii as I have said before 
some to pray and some to enjoy themselves. I, too, 
went to take the air in those gardens. I was also 
curious to see certain festivals that it is usual to hold 
several times in the year in the fields and gardens, and 
on the banks of streams, reservoirs, et cetera. 

While returning one day from the garden of Khwajah 
Qutb-ud-dm on the way to my house, I saw a carriage 
coming a long way off. It withdrew out of the direct 
road, and went down into the open fields. Seeing this 
manoeuvre, I assumed that it had moved out of the 
highway for fear that I might do it some harm. I 
knew that in the carnage was a public dancing girl ; it 
was surrounded by fifteen pages, and followed by a 
horseman. Without taking time to reflect, I turned 
my steps with all possible speed towards the carriage, 
shouting to it to stop. It paid no attention, however, 
to my voice, but went on its way peacefully. 

Seeing that I was not obeyed, I decided to make a 
display of courage, so I seized a stick, and, going up to 
the carriage, gave the pages several blows. Seeing 
that the game was not a joke, these men followed the 
example of the horseman, abandoned the carriage and 
took to their heels. At that point I raised the cloth 
that covered the carriage, and saw the dancer. I 
gave her some abusive language, not forgetting, how- 
ever, to keep my eyes open to see if succour was on 
its way. 

This precaution of mine was not uncalled for, since 
at this moment I saw afar off a troop of cavalry coming 
in my direction. I left the carriage at once and directed 
my steps slowly towards the horsemen in question, 
while I adjusted my turban firmly on my head, and 
handled my sword to see that it would come easily out 
of the scabbard, just as if I was making ready for a 
fight, should I be opposed. During this interval I had 
drawn near the horsemen, making these preparations 
meanwhile. They now drew rein ; one of them, how- 


ever, who was in advance, came on towards me. In 
spite of having his face half concealed, I could see he 
was a man of some age. When he was near me he 
spoke to me politely and modestly. However, I gave 
no answer to his words, and went on my way with 
niy eye fixed steadily on the other horsemen, who 
were standing still. I believed they meant to bar 
my way. I was greatly mistaken, however, for on 
my passing quite close not a man of them said a thing 
to me. 

The following day I made the same excursion, 
taking my lance with me this time. While I was in a 
plain of some size and fairly level, I saw the carriage 
of the previous day a little off the road guarded by 
some horsemen. I knew at once that these were the 
same men as before. Nevertheless, not to show that 
I had any fear of them, I would not retrace my steps, 
but continued my journey, flourishing my lance about 
a bit, until I was quite close to them. Then the elderly 
horseman, with the greatest politeness and a smiling 
face, asked the favour of speaking a word with me. 
Directly I heard the voice I stood still, and turning 
towards him the point of my lance, I asked what it 
was he wanted. 

He answered modestly that he was the brother of 
Allahwirdt Khan, that he had fallen in love with this 
dancer, on which account the king had reduced his 
high pay. Out of love for her he endured all this 
hardship, and gave up everything. Therefore he 
asked me the favour of permitting him to go and 
come freely. Without changing my position I 
answered that I granted what he asked, on con- 
dition, however, of his throwing over the carriage a 
scarlet covering, so that I might identify it. He 
answered that he would do so, and went away after 
saying good-bye. 

The man's name was Mirza Arjanj, brother of that 
Allahwirdi Khan who betrayed Prince Shah Shuja' 
when he delivered battle against Aurangzeb, as will 


have been seen already in my First Part. This Mirza 
Arjanj, being resolute in not giving up the said dancer, 
was content that the king should take away two 
hundred horses from his command, and leave him only 
ten, with twelve thousand rupees of yearly pay. He 
endeavoured to become friendly with me, but I 
declined to waste my time on him or put any trust 
in him. 

One day, while I was out on one of the above 
excursions, I amused myself in those gardens for 
longer than usual, and night came on before I had 
half completed my journey. By the light of the moon, 
which was now very bright, I observed coming to- 
wards me some strings of camels and oxen laden with 
goods, guarded by mounted soldiers. To afford 
myself a bit of a game, I drew my sword and charged 
them, with shouts of " Mora, mora ! " (Maro, Maro ! 
(" Strike, strike ! ") On hearing my cries, all the men 
fled and abandoned the animals. When I had arrived 
quite close, and found there was no one there, I rode 
my horse in all directions, crying out that I was only 
joking. Moreover, I was no thief, therefore let them 
return and look after their animals. My voice was 
given to the winds, since no one appeared. I resumed 
my journey and made for my house. Afterwards I 
learnt that it was the baggage of a viceroy, who was 
proceeding to his government of the province of 
Ajmer ; but no one over found out that it was I who 
had caused the stampede. 

It is the custom in the Mogul country for the royal 
elephants, whether those meant for war or those 
which fight before the king, to be kept outside the 
city near the gardens. They stand in a field below 
some trees, they are bound with heavy chains, and 
their keepers live with them. I once went at night to 
tease these animals with fireworks. They broke their 
chains and rushed wildly over the fields, doing a great 
deal of damage. Next I received word that some 
cavalry soldiers had been posted on guard to seize 


the insolent intruder ; thus I forbore to molest the 
elephants any more. Just let the judicious reader 
imagine what would have been my punishment had I 
been taken, and into what disgrace I should have 
fallen. To-day, although now in old age, when I 
remember this and other similar escapades I com- 
mitted, I never fail to sigh over them and grieve at m}' 

I must not forget to tell what happened to me on 
the day of the Virgin's Feast that is, on December 18, 
1705. It was at Monte Grande (Big Mount) at three 
o'clock in the afternoon. I was in the middle of 
entertaining several guests, who on that day never 
fail to appear, for a great crowd assembles there for 
this solemnity. 

While I was in the middle of conversation with my 
friends, men of different nations, I noticed that a 
serious dispute was going on at my gate. My servants 
were hindering the entrance of certain audacious 
persons who wanted to come in by force. I, too, 
proceeded to the spot. Although I saw they did not 
mean to listen to argument, all the same I attempted 
to prevent any violence, but quite in vain. The 
insolent fellows persisted in their attack, but were 
finally put to flight. 

There remained in our hands the captain of the 
men ; he was a Brahman officer, who ruled over some 
villages not far from Big Mount. He was drunk. 1 
ordered the man to be tied to a tree over against my 
gate, and he received a good thrashing. He was then 
taken before the Mahomedan governor (faujdar) 
Mulla Murad, in San Thome. He is the present 
governor of the territory, and is a nominee of the 
great diwan and minister of the Karnatik. 

When the captive reached tfiefattjddr's, the principal 
officers and some of his relations presented themselves. 
They tried hard to throw the whole blame of the 
misdeed upon me, and they accused me as the culprit. 
Some of the Mahomedan officials supported their 


contentions. The judicious governor was not taken 
in by these fabrications, but on dismissing my servants 
he sent me a letter full of ceremonious expressions. 
He paid no heed to the contrary suggestions of the 
Brahmans, my enemies. 

Perhaps he had doubts that if he had acted other- 
wise he would be either reproved from court or dis- 
missed from his office. He knew very well that the 
chief ministers were my friends. The man who has 
no friends in these lands is nowadays despised, and it 
is of no use for him to be in the right. 

As it seems to me, I have not explained in detail 
the way in which I was treated when in the service 
of the Prince Shah 'Alam. Now, to demonstrate once 
more their policy, their style of government, and the 
mode in which their business is done, also how much 
the ladies at this court can accomplish, I will resume 
the subject. By this means the reader will learn what 
is the value of friends upon occasion. 

There was at the court of the Prince Shah 'Alam 
a European blood-letter who, when he entered the 
service, was granted two rupees a day. This was 
done by the influence of the chief physician, Muhammad 
Muqfm, of whom I failed not to speak on other occa- 
sions. The blood-letter, finding the prince had a good 
opinion of him, and having by this time acquired a 
little money, made a most unreasonable demand from 
the prince to the detriment of the said physician. He 
said to the prince that Muhammad Muqim had an 
annual salary of over one hundred thousand rupees, 
besides the other great profits that he received. But 
Muqfm was not any wiser than he, the European, 
was, and therefore he, too, was worth quite as much 
pay. The prince, upon hearing this preposterous 
claim, was much put out, but concealed the fact, and 
gave not a word of reply. The physician Muhammad 
Muqfm heard of the affair by means of his friends. 
He was much annoyed, but made no sign, and did not 
betray his feelings in the least. 


I had already been known in the empire for many 
years when I reached the court after the heavy loss 
of money in Portuguese territory of which I have 
already spoken. I was then much in need of money 
for my support. As soon as my arrival was heard 
of, I was at once invited by the prince and several 
of his princesses to accept service with him. The 
message was conveyed to me through a eunuch 
of some standing named Meccaian (? Miskin). To 
this proposal I replied that I would be really glad 
to accept the honour done to me by His Highness, 
but I must decline to accept his service unless 
the physician, Muhammad Muqfm, conducted the 
negotiations with me. Thereupon it was at once 
ordered that he should present me to the prince, as 
is the custom. 

At this time Shah 'Alam was making his prepara- 
tions for starting to take charge of the Dakhin. The 
physician Muhammad Muqim, remembering what the 
European blood-letter had done to him, feared the 
same conduct from me also. He further reflected 
that I had cured several persons of quality whom he 
had given up as beyond hope, whence he was afraid 
he might lose his reputation and be ejected from the 
service. Thus, in spite of his promises, he took no 
steps to push my interests. 

The leading princess, as a sign of her affection for 
me, sent me food daily, and made me presents of 
different kinds of fruit. Seeing that the date of depar- 
ture was close at hand, she asked my permission to 
deal herself with the prince on my behalf, since the 
physician had done nothing. Before this, I had re- 
quested her not to speak on the subject. My reply to 
her now was, that I begged as a favour she would 
not speak to the prince on the subject, as I had left 
it to the discretion of the physician. This I said in 
spite of my being in great straits from the want of 
money, and my sufferings from the persecutions of 
my adversaries, the aforesaid (European) blood-letter 


(of the prince) and the (European) surgeon of the 
king, of whom I have spoken above. I stood strong 
and firm in my decision in order to prove to the 
physician, Muhammad Muqim, and those others, the 
vast difference there was between one person and 
another, and that he might see my upright modes 
of action. 

I held my tongue for several days, looking out for 
some movement on the physician's part. Finally, 
seeing that he was not forwarding my interests, in 
spite of his making a great show of wishing me well, 
I left the court, gave up my house, and took refuge in 
the house of a friend named Luis Gonzalves, intending 
subsequently to remove to the city of Lahor, where I 
had lived for a number of years. On the day that 
I disappeared the princess as usual sent me some 
gifts of food. When it was reported to her that I 
had gone, and it was not known where (the news 
reached her rather late) she was much grieved. She 
shut herself up in her room, and would not go to 
the garden to join the prince as was her custom. 
He passed his time there listening to music and other 

The prince noticed the absence of the princess. 
Not aware of the cause, he sent to invite her, letting 
her know that he was waiting in the garden most 
impatiently, for without her there could be no joy. 
The princess, aware of the great love the prince bore 
to her, sent back to say that she had been kept awake 
and troubled by a slight ailment ; would he, therefore, 
excuse her for that day? Hardly had the news 
reached the prince's ear, than he quitted the entertain- 
ment, and with all possible haste made for her apart- 
ments. He saw she had nothing the matter beyond 
being in low spirits, so he pressed her to tell him the 
cause of her melancholy. 

But the princess in a graceful way made excuses, 
just exactly as ladies do when they are intent on 
having their own way. Finally, being forced into 


consenting to explain her ill-humour, she said it all 
sprang from the thought that His Highness did not 
love her to the extent that he asserted ; because, if his 
love were really such, he would not have neglected to 
entertain at court, and taken into his service, the 
physician Manuchi, a man who knew her constitution, 
a man who had nursed her as a little child in his 

Taking her by the hand, to these words the prince 
replied that when morning came he would send in 
search of me, and pledged his word of honour that he 
would do so. Women can do much, and demand a 
good deal as soon as they perceive that they are held 
in estimation. On this occasion, that was how the 
princess acted ; therefore she replied to the prince that 
that very moment he must write an order to the 
principal eunuch, Nazir Daulat, directing him to send 
off a troop of soldiers, who at the time were on guard, 
to trace me out. Prince Shah 'Alam gave way to the 
wishes of the princess, and the soldiers, rushing about 
all night, made a fruitless search for me. 

However, they came in the end to know that if I 
were in any place in the suburbs of the city, 1 should 
not be found anywhere else than at the king's artillery 
park, in the house of my great friend, Luis Gonzalves. 
In fact, when it was already full daylight, being seated 
in the garden, I observed one of the prince's guard 
thrusting his head in at the door, but as soon as he 
saw me he withdrew it at once. Having seen this 
man, I was a little reassured, guessing what it might 
be for, when in a moment or two there entered twelve 
troopers in the highest glee. They treated me most 
ceremoniously, and in a few words conveyed to me 
that the prince was waiting for me, and I must start 

At these words I pretended to turn a little uneasy, 
as if they had need of me for some case of illness. 
They assured me that everybody was in good health, 
and I was sent for solely with a view to do me honour. 


The men urged me to start, and, to tell the truth, I was 
extremely eager myself, yet concealed it, and gave 
signs of the exact contrary of what I desired. I told 
them to let me go to sleep, during which time they, 
too, could sit down and rest. To sum up, we began 
our journey about nine o'clock in the morning. 

Meanwhile, let us look at what was going on about 
me at the court. By this time the princess had given 
up hoping for my return, and carried her lamentations 
to the prince. Shah 'Alam went forth to hold audience, 
and asked his chief minister and counsellor, Casmir 
(Qazi Mir), where Manucci had gone to. The Qazi, 
knowing nothing about my disappearance, replied that 
I was in the city. Shah 'Alam then ordered him to 
include me among the servants of His Highness. Upon 
receipt of this order, Qazi Mir suggested that Manucci 
had heavy expenses ; it was therefore necessary to 
give him an honourable rate of pay. The prince 
thought over this for a little, and then instructed him 
that he should give me seven rupees a day, the sum 
that his blood-letter had received. My friend Qazi 
Mir put on a dejected air, and made this suggestion : 
" Your Highness ought to know that the father of 
your blood-letter was barber to the father of Manucci ; 
thus he would never accept that rate of pay." 

At these words, another friend of mine who was 
present, named Mirecautaula, came forward three 
paces, and, making obeisance, said, " If Your Highness 
permits me to speak, I will inform him of what I 
know about Manucci." The prince turned his eyes in 
his direction, and with a smiling face said he might 
speak. Mirecautaula then started : " Does Your High- 
ness know that Nawab Mahabat Khan offered him 
through me three hundred rupees a month, with a 
palanquin, robes, and food, yet Manucci would not 
enter his service ? " Having said this much, he bowed 
and returned to his place. The prince asked him 
whether, if he were to offer me three hundred rupees 
a month, create me man$abdar (noble) of the court, 


would I accept? Mirecautaula replied: "Maybe he 
will agree, this being a royal establishment." The 
prince ordered Qazi Mir to settle with me, and obtain 
my consent. This is the way they are accustomed to 
act in this court when they want to give a helping 
hand to anyone. 

While this was in progress, I arrived at the house of 
my friend, Qazi Mir, not far from the court. He was 
not long in making his appearance. As he was 
coming in at the door, I went to meet him with the 
usual compliments, but with a very long face, in spite 
of my knowing all that had taken place. The moment 
he saw me he put his hands to his sides, halted, and 
showed all the signs of being quite worn out, telling 
me : " To-day I laboured in a cause which very seldom 
is carried to success in the Mogul court ; you are 
already made a servant of the Prince Shah 'Alam, and 
have as pay three hundred rupees a month, and in 
addition you are a noble of the court." 

With a humble countenance, making an obeisance, I 
rendered him sincere asseverations of my gratitude. 
But Qazi Mir, observing that I had not changed my 
expression one little bit, nor shown any sign of 
gladness, came to the conclusion that I was dis- 
satisfied. Therefore, coming closer to me, he 
suggested that for the time being I ought to accept the 
pay that had been fixed. He could assure me it would 
very soon be increased, and this he repeated at least 

Discovering by these remarks that he had not 
perceived that I was more than content, in order to 
let him see the truth, I drew back one pace, and 
lifting my head and my voice, I said : " I accept with 
all goodwill the honour that, through your mediation, 
His Highness has done me, and I live in the hope of 
receiving through your protection still greater." Thus 
did I reassure Qazi Mir, and inform him that I was 
satisfied. Embracing me, he took me by the hand and 
led me into the house. We had dinner together, then 


he presented me with a horse (which I was much in 
want of) and a valuable set of robes, thereupon I 
returned to my own house. 

As soon as I reached my house, the princess sent me 
her usual gift of food, together with a thousand rupees, 
giving me to understand that this money should serve 
as a help for the expenses I might have to incur in 
connection with the ensuing march, which was to begin 
a few days afterwards. 

The eunuch Nazir Daulat sent a man to call me, 
whereupon I paid him a visit and sat down in his 
presence. On seeing me he shook his head and said : 
11 You are the man who had the royal gates opened at 
unsanctioned hours, a thing never allowed in the royal 
palace." I replied that to have the royal gateway 
opened at that hour was due to the generosity of His 
Highness, who desired to favour a foreigner. 

This man (Daulat) was a great friend of mine, as I 
experienced on many necessary occasions, as will have 
been seen. In opposition to the habits of his class, he 
was of a good disposition, and very liberal. He had 
sixty horses in his stalls, and sixty camels loaded with 
pieces of cloth and other valuables. His tent was like 
a general's, and in his suite were noble horsemen. He 
was much esteemed at the court because he behaved 
prudently ; his income was very large, owing to the 
offices he held, and his words were listened to by the 

I likewise give an account of the manner in which it 
is usual to bleed the princes, at what seasons it is 
done, and what happened to me on such occasions. 

Ordinarily the princes and princesses have them- 
selves bled twice in the month of March, and the 
interval between the two bleedings does not exceed 
twenty-four hours. The operation is begun half an 
hour before the setting of the sun. Three days after- 
wards they take a purge ; but if necessity demands a 
shorter interval they do not wait the three days, but 
are governed by the requirements of the case. In 


the month of September the same procedure is re- 

The first time that Shah 'Alam had blood let by me 
I was summoned to the Maal (mahat), which means 
the palace, and went into the saral (sarde) that is, 
seraglio. He showed me his arm, inquiring if his 
veins were visible, and asked if I should give him any 
pain when I drew the blood. When I heard this 
question, I took hold of his arm, and looking at it, 
said without a pause that the vein could be opened 
without the least difficulty, and he would be quite 
satisfied. I quickly tied his arm with a bandage of 
fine broad cloth without stretching the skin very 
much. As I took up my lancet to make the incision, 
he stopped me, and said I ought to stretch and rub 
the arm well, as other blood-letters did. I answered 
that His Highness need not be alarmed, that I knew 
what I was doing. 

I took hold of the arm again and at once made the 
incision, opening the vein without going so deep as 
other practitioners do, by which practice some days 
must be passed without being able to move the arm. 
What 1 noticed on this occasion was that the prince 
betrayed signs of fear, turning away his face until the 
blood had been taken. It is customary to keep ready 
for these occasions a set of silver scales and weights ; 
the basin for receiving the blood is also of silver. 

On the ground is spread a large sheet, in order not 
to dirty the carpets and floor-cloths ; over the body of 
the prince is cast another sheet, somewhat smaller. 
All the princes are present at the operation, as also 
the principal eunuch, and some under-eunuchs who 
act as attendants. It is the business of one of these 
to throw a little charcoal into the blood that is 
collected from the vein, also a little bit of iron, some 
small coin, and a few grains of raisins for the preser- 
vation of the blood. After all these ceremonies they 
bury the blood in the garden, also performing other 
customary superstitious observances. When the 


incision is made all those who are present make 
profound bows, adding the words : " May the blood- 
letting be to your benefit." The same ceremonial is 
followed in the case of a princess. 

As soon as the surgeon has left the room alms are 
distributed. When I had finished the blood-letting 
the prince ordered them to give me four hundred 
rupees. At the time of my reaching the gate a eunuch 
handed me the said money on a salver, telling me it 
was proper for me to make a bow with my face turned 
towards the palace. I did so, according to the custom 
of this court. 

When I gave an order to my servant to take charge 
of the said rupees, the insolent eunuch said to me, " It 
seems to me you could never have had as much money 
in all your life." At once I took the salver and emptied 
out on the ground all the money in it in the presence 
of the gate-keepers, telling them I made them a present 
of it. Then I turned to the eunuch : " Do you not 
know that I am the son of the chief physician of the 
King of Spain, who is lord over half the world and 
owns the mines of silver ? My father, being tired and 
in a hurry, on one occasion missed the vein ; but, 
seeing that the king required to be bled, he made 
another stroke, and hit the right place. In spite of 
this my father was so sorrowful for the error he had 
committed that the consolation .offered by the king 
had no effect on him. Therefore, out of the love he 
bore him, and in the hope of restoring him to 
happiness, the king gave him a town as large as the 
town of Sihrind, together with a galleon laden with 
silver, which had just reached the port of Cadiz. Out 
of these revenues and moneys my father sends me 
twenty-four thousand rupees for my expenses, since 
the pay I receive from this court barely suffices for the 
expenditure in my kitchen." 

All this I did and said solely to the end that it 
should not be thought that I was needy, and also to 
let them know my lofty way of looking at things. My 


prince, when he knew what had happened, said that he 
felt I must have been brought up in the midst of 
riches. He sent me the money over again, recovering 
it from the porters, and added to it a valuable set of 
robes and a fine horse. He said he must maintain the 
customs of his court, but without my being sub- 
ordinat to anyone, and that I should have entire 

Another mysterious thing happened to me when 
first I drew blood from the wife of the prince, called 
Nurnixam (Nur-un-nissa) Begam. The lady thrust 
her arm out from the curtain, as is the custom, and, 
holding my lancet, I moved forward to open the basilic 
vein. I was still at a distance of six inches from the 
arm, when suddenly the princess turned round and 
threw up her arm violently towards the lancet I 
know not whether through fear, or simply in changing 
the position of her body. The instrument went into 
the basilic vein, and blood flowed. 

The prince, who was present, patted me with his 
hands on the shoulders (a sign of pleasure), and 
applauded my ability in having opened so skilfully 
so difficult a vein as the basilic. At this unrehearsed 
success I cannot tell you how I felt. Pallor spread 
over my countenance at the thought that all that 
portion of the lancet which projected from my finger- 
ends had entered the basilic vein, and might cut the 
artery. Having this in my mind, I stood watching 
the blood flow with no little apprehension. However, 
when four ounces had been lost, I noticed that I had 
not in any way touched the artery ; on the contrary, I 
had struck exactly on the basilic, and thus I was 
reassured without having betrayed my concern. 

The princes who were in attendance, although they 
had observed the difference ol method in this extrac- 
tion of blood, nevertheless did not attribute it to 
accident, but to the dexterity of my hand, and as such 
they spread it abroad, talking me up as a great master 
of surgery, although it was really an accident. In 


this way I left the court, after obtaining great honour 
and valuable gifts, in addition to being praised by 

I have already spoken of the Persian physicians, 
and of their inability to believe or admit that European 
doctors are acquainted with medicine, but I will insert, 
nevertheless, an instance that occurred in 1679. 

While I was at the court of Shah 'Alam in ^Vuran- 
gabad, there arrived a Venetian physician named 
Angelo Legrenzi. He came from Aleppo, having 
quitted the service of the Most Serene Republic, and 
at the age of thirty-five had set out in search of fresh 
fortunes. He had thought out various ideas, and 
collected in his head many thoughts. 

He came to see me, and delivered to me a letter of 
recommendation from the Reverend Father Era Ivo, 
Capuchin, of Surat. I received him with every civility, 
making an offer to him of a share in my house, 
including a companion of his called Signor Protazio, 
a German gentleman. I was highly delighted at his 
arrival, in the hope of ridding myself of several 
patients, who all day long came in search of me 
personally. Forthwith I gave him out to be my rela- 
tion, in order to obtain him more respect. I took him 
to the presence of the chief physician, Mamed Muquin 
(Muhammad Muqim), of whom I have already spoken, 
with the object of getting him, too, entry to the court, 
with handsome pay from the prince, and thereby 
prevent any hindrance to his practising. The chief 
physician promised me the new-comer should have a 
place, but patience was required. 

The worthy patrician, seeing how well I was 
treated, was full of joy, but would not comply with my 
advice. He showed he was in too great a hurry to 
enter the prince's service and draw his pay. As a 
proof of his ability, and that he was not a surgeon, 
but a physician, he prepared a pamphlet, in which he 
discoursed on the four principal fevers, of their causes, 
and the remedies for driving them away. Seeing that 


he had little confidence in my word, and none at all in 
that of other friends, I took him with me to the said 
chief physician; Legrenzi presented the pamphlet, 
and its contents were explained. 

Muhammad Muqfm, while listening to this talk, 
seemed pleased and contented, and by his face 
indicated that he approved of such good arguments. 
On his side Legrenzi was equally satisfied, in the 
belief that he had done rather well by presenting his 
work, which would cause him to be valued at the 
court. Knowing the contrary, I said to him how 
much I should rejoice if he met with success. At the 
time of saying good-bye the chief physician said to 
him that he could repeat his visit to the court. 

I continued to aid him with a horse and servants, 
who every day attended to him, for the chief physician 
lived over half a league from my house. This going 
and coming lasted for over half a year without the 
chief physician making over to him any patient, or 
speaking any more to him. Our patrician did not 
perceive what it meant. Finally, one day, to undeceive 
him, Muhammad Muqim ordered one of his servants, 
an Armenian, called Joseph, who acted as interpreter, 
to sit down near him. 

Our patrician was offended at this act, and on his 
return home he reported it to me. I did not know 
what else to say to him than that we must have 
patience. The following day he went back to the 
court, and wasted his time seated there for over three 
hours. Finally the chief physician accosted him by 
asking him whether he knew what thing God was. 
At such a demand Legrenzi was stupefied, and made 
no sort of answer. By this request he understood 
that he had received his dismissal, and his joy was 
turned into sadness. Thus he went back the way he 
came with .lamentations over his strange fate. He 
was well received, and appointed again to the place 
that he had quitted. Mr. Protazio remained with me, 
having no money to pay for his journey. After a 


year, however, he started, and I helped him so far 
as 1 could, and I heard no more of him. 

I now state what happened to me. On December 
15, in the year 1706, it was the pleasure of the Divine 
Power to remove from this world my wife, with 
whom I had lived more than twenty years. The 
grief I underwent at that melancholy moment I 
neither know how to, nor ought I to, recount. All 
I will say is that it was the more profound for never 
having been experienced before. But, just as it 
appears to be the way of the world that sad events 
always come in company, and are never solitary, on 
the 2Qth of the same month Monsieur Martin died ; 
he was the Governor of Pondicherry, nowadays 
called Fort St. Louis. By this second death I was 
plunged into nearly the same grief. He had been 
very much my friend, my true and ancient friend, 
and I had received from him great very great 
kindness, civility, and honour. 

Still, in spite of all these misfortunes, I was well 
able to console myself by placing reliance on the 
Divine Will. 1 

1 There are no further personal details in the original MS., which closes 
with a lengthy and detailed account of disputes between the Jesuits and 
Capuchins at Pondicherry. We have no further trace of Manucci at Madras 
or Pondicherry, and only slight evidence of his death in India in 1717 (see 


'Abbas II, Shah of Persia, 9, 10, 1 1 , 
12, 14, 16,20; gives banquet sin 
honour of Lord Bellomont, 1 1 , 
14, 15, 20 ; parades his cavalry 
in honour of Lord Bellomont, 
1 6 ; and the Island of Ormuz, 
27 ; and the eunuch Daulat, 


Abu.l Hasan, King of Gulkandah, 
and Manucci, 193, 194, 195 ; 
and Shah 'Alam, 194, 196 
Agrah, Aurangzeb and Murad 

Bakhsh arrive in, 73 
Agrah, Bellomont at, 36 ; Bello- 
mont's remains removed to, 37 

Agrah, Dara and his army leave, 
53. 54 > 55 J directed to retreat 

_ to, 58 ; takes flight to, 69 

Agrah, English factory at, 36, 38 

Agrah, Manucci at, v., 36, 124, 
141, 163, 164; takes flight to, 
71 ; tries to leave, 72 ; has to 
remain in, 73 ; leaves in dis- 
guise, 74; starts for, no 

Agrah, Shaistah Khan, appointed 
governor of, 74 

Agrah, references, 33, 87 

Aguada, fort at Goa, 179 

Ahmad, Khwajah, sent as envoy 
to Da,ud Khan, Panni, 251, 252 

Ahmadabad, Dara takes posses- 
sion, of, 86 

Ahmadnagar, Manucci accom- 
panies Shah 'Alam to, vi ; Shah 
'Alam and his force arrive at, 

Akbar, King, ordered fortress to 
be built at Allahabad, 112 

Akbar, Prince, son of Aurangzeb, 
asks permission to build a ship 
on the river of Goa, 166, 167 ; 
builds the ship and has it re- 

moved to Vingorla, 168 ; a 
watch set to prevent his leav- 
ing Vingorla, 169 ; writes for 
Sambha Ji to the Viceroy of 
Goa, 171 ; at Vingorla, 175 

Albert, Mons., doctor at Pondi- 
cherry, 267 

Aleppo, 287 

Alexander the Great, 25 

Algarves (a province of Portugal), 

'Ali Mardan Khan, who made over 
Qandahar to Shahjahan, 159 

'All, tomb of, at Isfahan, 23 

Allahabad, account of fortress 
and rivers at, 1 12, 1 1 3 ; Manucci 
at, 112, 113, 114, 124 

AllahwirdI Khan, at the battle of 
Khajwah, 104 ; 274 

Almeda, Juan Dias d', 230 

Alreu, Joao Rodrigues de, pre- 
vents Manucci' s marriage with 
the Pathan widow, 158, 159 

Alvor, Count of. See Tavora, 
Francisco de 

Amanat Khan, at Lahor, 1 50, 151 

Andrada, Andre da, Portuguese 
renegade at Masqat, visits Goa, 


Apollo, the god, 36 
Arabia, 28, 184 

Ararat, the mountain called, 6, 7 
Aras, the stream called, 6 
Arfaxad, King of the Medes, 7 
Aristotle, 160 
Arkat, Da,ud Khan, Panni, at, 

236 ; leaves for Madras, 251 
Arkat, references, 247, 250 
Armenians : at Smyrna, 2 ; mer- 
chants with Lord Bellomont' s 
caravan, 3,7; at Erzerum, 5 ; 
at Erivan, 6 ; merchants at 




Tabriz, 8 ; Lord Bellomont in 
debt to, 1 5 ; at Isfahan, 22 ; at 
Shiraz, 24 ; merchants at Bur- 
hanpur, 32 ; musical instru- 
ments employed by, 107 

Asad Khan. 249 

Asia Minor ; Bellomont and 
Manucci travel through, v. 

Assam, Mir Jumlah in, 117, 1 1 8 

Ataides, Maria de, and the French 
doctor's son, 268, 269, 270 

Audience-hall of Shahjahan, 42, 43 

Augustinians, Portuguese, their 
church at Isfahan, 23 ; valiant 
resistance against Sambha Ji, 

Aurangabad, Aurangzeb at, 32; 
Manucci at, 140, 141, 287 ; with 
Jai Singh at, 129 

Aurangabad, 270 

Aurangzeb: at Aurangabad, 32; 
prepares to seize the throne, 
51 ; stratagems and intrigues, 
55, 56 ; his army, 56, 57, 
58 ; signal to traitors in Dara's 
camp, 58, 62 ; advances with 
his army against Dara, 60; 
in danger of_ being taken, 65 ; 
arrives in Agrah, 73 ; com- 
munications with Shahjahan, 
73 ; succeeds in making a 
prisoner of Shahjahan, 73, 74 ; 
starts in pursuit of Dara, 74 ; 
appoints Shaistah Khan 
Governor of Agrah, 74 ; makes 
Murad Bakhsh a prisoner, 74 ; 
leaves Lahor, 82 ; arrives at 
Multan, 83 ; tempts Da,ud 
KJjan with high pay, 84 ; leaves 
MultSn, 85 ; and the Rajah of 
Srinagar, 87 ; how he rewarded 
Jiwan Khan, 97 ; offers to take 
Manucci into his service, 98 
details of march to Kashmir 
102 ; the royal kitchen, 103 
an early start, 104 ; order of 
the march, 104 ; how the 
route is measured, 105 ; the 
royal standards, 106 ; Roshan 
AraBegam and her retinue, 107, 
1 08 ; plan of camp, 108 ; special 
royal tents, 109 ; Manucci's 
aversion to, in ; orders des- 
truction of an idol at Benares, 
114; in Kashmir, 124, 125; 
sends Mahabat Khan to Gujarat, 
125 ; orders Mahabat Khan to 

be poisoned, 149 ; Manucci 
translates his letter for the 
viceroy, of Goa, 166 ; orders 
Shah 'Alam to march towards 
Goa, 176; at Ahmadnagar, 
190 ; M. negotiates with, on be- 
half of Governor Gyfford, 215 ; 
and the English, 216 ; sends 
Da.ud Khan, Panni, to the 
Karnatik, 232 ; and the English 
in Madras, 242 ; references, 36, 
54. 59. 67, 72, 81, 88, 112, 119, 
130, 141, 167, 169, 181, 183, 197, 
226, 249, 258, 274 

Avicenna, 160 

A'zam, Mir, second envoy sent by 
Shah 'Alam to the Viceroy of 
Goa, 177, 178, 179 

A'zam, Sultan, on the march to 
Kashmir," 1 06 

'Azamat-ud-daulah, chief minister 
of Shah 'Abbas, 9, 11,12,14,20; 
interviews with Lord Bellomont, 
13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19 

Azevedo, Antonio de, brings news 
of Dara's defeat to Agrah, 71 

Azevedo, Thome de, physician at 
Goa, jealous of Manucci, 220, 

Azil Can, poisons Diler Khan, 213 

Bahadur Kjian (Mir Baba), ad- 
vances with Aurangzeb's army, 
60 ; sent to patrol roads west of 
Agrah, 72 ; commands troops 
sent in pursuit of Dara, 84 ; 
and the surrender of Bhakkar, 
90, 91 ; governor of Allahabad, 
114; story of his vain-glorious 
behaviour, 126 
Balasor, the harbour of, 1 18 
Balkh, the envoy from, Manucci 
doctors a relation of, 99, 100, 

101 ; manners and customs of 
Uzbak nobles from, 100, 101, 

102 ; the King of, 10 1 ; the holy 
man of, story of his madness, 
150, 151, 152 

Bandar 'Abbas, 25 ; Manucci and 
Bellomont at, 26, 27 ; English 
factory at, 27 ; bad effects of 
water at, 27, 28 

Bandar 'Abbasi. See Bandar 

Bandar Congo, 138 

Bandora, on Salsette Island, 
Manucci settles at, vi ; resolves 



to retire to, 162 ; arrives at, 
163 ; leaves, with A. Machado, 

Banquets, given by Shah 'Abbas 
in honour of Lord Bellomont, 
1 1, 14, 15, 20 

Bardes, taken possession of by 
Sambha JI, 170, 174 ; the town 
of, plundered by order of Shah 
'Alam, 182 ; the river of, 178, 
181, 182 ; reference, 189 

Barqandaz Khan, Manucci's com- 
mander, pleased at his rejoining, 
77 ; leaves Multan with Dara, 
83 ; Manucci hires house be- 
longing to, 142 

Barro, Antonio de, Jesuit, 222 

Basant, Khwajah, in command of 
boats sent to Bhakkar, 82 ; put 
in command at Bhakkar, 84 ; at 
Bhakkar, 86 ; defends Bhak- 
kar against Khalllullah ghan, 
87 ; enraged by letters from 
Khalllullah Khan, 88 ; his 
reply to the letters of Khall- 
lullah Khan, 88, 89 ; receives 
orders from Dara to surrender 
Bhakkar, 90 ; and Lashkar 
Khan, governor of Multan, 91 ; 
and Manucci, at Lahor, 91, 92 ; 
receives messages from Khall- 
lullah Khan, 92 ; in danger, 93 ; 
is killed, 94 ; reference, 97 

Bassain, Manucci at, v, 134, 135 ; 
warns I. Sermento of, 133 ; and 
the commissary of the Inquisi- 
tion at, 228 

Bautista, Frey Irao, Father Prior 
of St. Augustin's at Hugli, Ma- 
nucci visits, 118, 119, 122; 
reference, 121 

Begam Sahib, revenues of Surat 
given to, 31 ; farewell to Dara, 
53, 54 ; message from Dara to, 
69, 70 ; answer to Dara's mes- 
sage, 70 ; reference, 269 

Begum Sahib. See Begam Sahib. 

Beisao, Luis, assists Manucci to 
demonstrate European mode of 
fighting, 128, 129 

Bellomont, Lord, takes Manucci 
into his service, v, i , 2 ; travels 
through Asia Minor, v ; Persia, 
v ; in India, v ; death of, at 
Hodal, 1656, v, 37 ; at Raguza, 
2 ; at Smyrna, 2 ; arrives 
Brusa, a ; departs, 3 ; at 

Tokat, 3 ; Erzerum, 5 ; at 
Erivan, 6, 7 ; at Tabriz, 7, 8 ; 
at Qazwln, 9, 10, n, 12; at 
Isfahan, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 
1 8, 19, 20 ; interviews with 
'Azamat-ud-daulah, 13, 15, 16, 
17',' 1 8, 19 ; haughty behaviour 
at audience with Shah 'Abbas, 
20 ; ill at Shiraz, 24 ; leaves 
Shiraz, 25 ; at Lar, 25, 26 ; at 
Bandar 'Abbas, 26, 27 ; at 
Sindi, 28 ; at Surat, 29, 31 ; sup- 
plied with money by Henry 
Young, 31 ; at Burhanpur, 31, 
32, 33 ; at Sironj, 33, 34 ; at 
Narwar, 35 ; at Gwaliyar, 35, 
36 ; at Dholpur, 36 ; at Agrah, 
36 ; remains removed to Agrah, 

Bellomont, Viscount. See Bello- 
mont, Lord 

Benares, rivers at, 113 ; Manucci 
at, 114 

Bengal, Manucci's journey by 
boat to, 116, 117, 118; refer- 
ence, 268 

Berleu, Mr., 266 

Berlin, Konigliche, Bibliothek at, 
purchases MS. of Manucci's 
" Storia," 1887, viii 

Bernier, Fra^ois, Manucci com- 
ments on his inaccuracy, no 

Betel leaf. See Pan 

Bezoar stones, 24 ; Manucci makes 
use of, in treatment, 144 

Bhakkar, fortress of, Dara's army 
leaves for, 82 ; Dara and his 
followers arrive at, 84 ; besieged, 
86 ; the evacuation of, 91 ; 
references, 50, 98, no, in 

Bhao Singh, Manucci attends, 205 

Bhlma, the river, 138, 140 

Bhiwandl, 134 

Biah, the river, Manucci meets 
Da.ud Khan at, 76 

Bianco, Jorge, a Genoese mer- 
chant, 220 

Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, 
volume of portraits now in, ix 

Big Mount, Da.ud Khan stays at 
M.'s house at, 263 ; attack on 
M.'s house at, 276; M.'s house at, 
reference, 250 

BIjapur, city of, 134, 136, 228; 
Manucci at, 1 34 ; the King of, 
133 ; Kingdom of, M. in, 138 ; 
references, 176, 190, 191 




Biyas, the river. See Biah, the 

Blood-letting, mode of, with royal 
patients, 199, 200, 283, 284, 

Bombay, fortress of, invested by 
the Moguls, 216 

Botelho, Diogo Mendez, 230 

Boureau-Deslandes. See Des- 

Bridges at Isfahan, description of, 
21, 22 

Bronzoni, Ortenzio, friend of 
Manucci, 230, 231 

Brusa, Bellomont and M. arrive 
at, 2 ; depart from, 3 ; Anthoine 
Cheleby, Governor of, 2, 3 

Bulkley, Dr., English envoy sent 
to Da,ud Khan. 263, 264 

Burhanpur, Manucci and Bello- 
mont at, 31, 32, 33 ; Armenian 
merchants at, 32 ; description 
of, 32 ; Manucci at, 141 

Cadiz, 285 

Capuchins, Manucci's account of 

their disputes with Jesuits, vii ; 

their church at Isfahan, 23 
Carmelites, bare-footed, their 

church at Isfahan, 23 
Carvalho, Simon, 234 
Castro, Antonio de Mello de, 

Viceroy of Goa, 136 
Catrou, Pere, and Manucci, viii, 

ix ; publishes book in 1 70 5 , 

founded on Manucci's " Storia," 


Cavalry, Persian, parade of, 16 
Chaghatae Khan. 90 
Chambal, the river, 36 ; Dara and 

his army reach, 55 
Champat Bundelah, 33 ; helps 

Aurangzeb, 56 ; fate of, 58 ; 

references, 197, 226 
Champat, Rajah, son of Champat 

Bundelah, treated by M., 197 
Chand Blbl, her defence of 

Ahmadnagar, 190 
Chardin, Daniel, 264 
Charles I, King of England, 13 
Charles II, King of England, 2, 7, 

12, 13 

Chaul, the town of, 112 
Chawal, the Hindus of, complain 

to Jai Singh, 132, 133 
Cheleby, Anthoine, Governor of 

Brusa, 2, 3 

Chhatarsal Rae, advances with 

Dara's army, 61 ; reinforces 

Dara, 64 ; killed, 65 
Chinab, the river, 146, 157 
Chiutia, the Rajah of, Manucci 

sent as envoy to, 129, 131 
Christian religion, the, Manucci 

and, 126, 127 
Christiana, Dona, a widow, and 

M., 227, 228 
Clarke, Elizabeth, nee Hartley, 

Manucci marries, 197 ; her 

death, 289 
Congo, Port of, 25 
Coningsby, Mr., English envoy 

sent to Da.ud Khan, 263, 264 
Costa, Dom Roderigo da, com- 
mander of Portuguese fleet, 1 74, 

178, 217, 218 ; M. applies for 

protection to, 221 
Cota, Luis Gonsalves, secretary at 

Goa, 185, 186, 220, 221 
Couza Coutinho, Antonio de, 

friendly to M., 229 
Crocodiles, at the fortress of 

Vellore, 260, 261 
Cromwell, 2 
Cudapah, Karapa, M. visits Da,ud 

Khan at, 257; country between 

Madras and, 258 
Cuddalore, 240, 255 
Cunha, Joao Nunes da, Viceroy 

of Goa, organises expedition 

to Masqat, 137, 138 ; Cunha, 

Lourenco "da, of Goa, tricks 

M., 224, 225 

Dakhin, the, M. follows Shah 

'Alam to, vi; 33 
Dalmatia, 2 
Dalpat Rao, M. refuses to attend, 

225, 226 
Daman, the Portuguese of, 131 ; 

Portuguese territory extending 

to, 133 ; M. at, 163, 166, 225 ; 

references, 269 
Damao. See Daman 
Danes, the, Da.ud Khan asks, to 

help him against the English, 


Dangim, the fortress of, Viceroy 
of Goa receives Sambha Ji's en- 
voy at, 173 

Dara, M. enters service of, v ; 
to, petition of Thomas Roach, 
40 ; expresses a desire to see 
Manucci, 47 ; interviews Ma- 



nucci, 48 ; takes Manucci into 
his service, 49 ; and Shahjahan, 
51, 52 ; farewell to his father 
and Begam Sahib, 53, 54 ; leaves 
Agrah with his army, 53, 54, 55 ; 
his army encamps at Dhol- 
pur, 55, 56; receives letter 
from Shahjahan, 58 ; leaves 
camp, 59 ; advances with his 
army, 61 ; adopts counsels of 
Khalilullah Khan. 63 ; shows 
great valour, 63, 64 ; receives 
bad news, 65, 66 ; routs Sultan 
Muhammad and Najabat 
Khan. 66 ; listens to traitorous 
advice, 67, 68 ; takes flight to 
Agrah, 69 ; sends message to 
Shahjahan, 69, 70 ; advised to 
proceed to Dihli, 70 ; starts for 
Dihli, 71 ; hostile reception at 
Dihli, 71 ; starts for Lahor , 71 ; 
raising a new army in Lahor, 
74 ; pleased at Manucci's 
fidelity in rejoining him, 77 ; 
starts for Multan, 78 ; at 
Multan, 8 1 ; leaves Multan, 82 ; 
discharges Da.iid Khan from 
his service, 83 ; arrives with his 
army at Bhakkar, 84 ; makes 
Manucci captain of the Euro- 
peans left at Bhakkar, 8 5 ; leaves 
Bhakkar for Sindi, 85 ; reaches 
Gujarat, 86 ; takes possession 
of Ahmadabad, 86 ; raising a 
new army in Gujarat, 87 ; a 
prisoner, 90 ; orders Primavera 
to surrender Bhakkar, 90 ; his 
dismissal of Da.ud Khan, 116 ; 
references, 36, 42, 97, 98, ill, 
197, 226 

Dara, Prince. See Dara 
Dara Shukoh. See Dara 
Darius, King of Persia, 24 
Da.iid Khan gives Manucci a 
passport, 76 ; marches with 
Dara to Multan, 81 ; fidelity to 
Dara, 83 ; takes service with 
Aurangzeb, 84; Governor of 
Patnah, Manucci visits, 116; 
reference, 117 

Da.ud Khan, Panni, in Madras, 
vii ; deputy governor in the 
Karnatik, Manucci writes to, 
232, 233 ; causes cessation of 
persecutions at Tanjor, 234, 
235 ; letter to the King of 
Tanjor, 235 ; at Arkat, 236 ; 

Manucci sent by the English on 
deputation to, 236, 237 ; course 
of negotiations, 238, 239, 240, 
241, 242, 243, 244, 245 ; his 
opinion of the English, 239, 240; 
at S. Thome, 246 ; an English 
deputation to, 246, 247 ; visits 
Governor Pitt, 248, 249, 250 ; 
returns.toS. Thome, 250 ; hostile 
return to Madras, 251 ; Ma- 
nucci goes to interview at S. 
Thome, 251, 252, 253, 254 ; 
writes to the French, Dutch, 
and Danes to help him against 
English, 254 ; Mons. Des- 
prez sent as envoy to, 255, 256 ; 
sends a horse to Fr. Martin, 256 ; 
Manucci visits, 257 ; stays at 
Manucci's house at Big Mount, 
263 ; visits S. Thome 1706, 
263 ; receives the English en- 
voys, 264 ; banquet given for, 
265 ; at S. Thome, 265 ; visit 
from the Lord Bishop, 265 ; 
gives presents to Manucci at 
leave-taking, 266 ; references, 
259, 261 

Daulat, the eunuch, and Ma- 
nucci, 159, 160 

Daulat, Nazir, eunuch in service 
of Shah 'Alam, 208, 280, 283 

Davenport, Mr., English envoy 
sent to Da,ud Khan, 263, 264 

Delavale, Mons., a French pirate, 
267, 268 

Deslandes, brings home MS. of 
Manucci's " Storia," viii ; sug- 
gests to Manucci that he should 
write his memoirs, 1 10 

Desprez, Monsieur, sent by F. 
Martin as envoy to Da,ud Khan. 
255, 256 

Destremon, Monsieur, French 
physician to King of Gulkandah, 


Dhakah, the river Jamnah at, 1 14 ; 
the city of, metropolis of Ben- 
gal, 117, 118; English and 
Dutch factories at, 118 

Dholpur, Manucci and Bellomont 
at, 36 ; Dara's army encamps 
a t, 55, 56 ; the river (Chambal), 

Dias, Agostinho warns Manucci of 
danger, 91 

Dihli, Manucci at, v, 38, 39, 74, 
97,99, no, Hi. 165,271 ; enters 



service of Jai Singh at, 125 ; 
Shahjahanat, 37; Bellomont's 
property removed to, 38, 39 ; 
Dara advised to go to, 70 ; 
Dara badly received at, 71 ; 
references, 72, 91, 123, 270 

Dilawar, a servant of Manucci, 
warns him of danger, 92 

Diler Khan sends for Manucci, 
212 ; dies of poison adminis- 
tered by Azil Can, 213 

Dindar Khan, of Qasur, Manucci 
thinks of marrying daughter of, 


Dulha, Mahomedan friend with 
whom Manucci seeks refuge, 95, 

Dumans, Frey Raphael, Capuchin, 

Durga Das, sent by Akbar as his 
representative during negotia- 
tions with Sambha Ji, 171 

Dutch, at Smyrna, 2 ; factories 
at Isfahan, 23 ; at Patnah, 115; 
at Dhakah, 1 1 8 ; at Qasim 
Baz^r, 123; Da.ud Khan asks 
them to help him against the 
English, 254 

Ecbatana, 7 

Ellis, Mr., sent on deputation to 
Da.ud Khan, 246 

England, the King of, 10 

English, at Smyrna, 2 ; factory at 
Isfahan, 21 ; factory at Bandar 
'Abbas, 27 ; factory at Agrah, 
36, 38 ; factory at Patnah, 115; 
in India, Manucci speaks in de- 
fence of, 241, 242 ; in Madras, 
Erepare to resist attack of 
a,ud Khan, 253 

Ephraim, Father, Capuchin, mis- 
sionary at Fort St. George, 197 

Erivan, Bellomont and Manucci, 
at, 6, 7 

Erzerum, Armenians at, 5 ; Bello- 
mont and Manucci at, 5 ; the 
men of, 6 

Ethiopia, 184 

Europe, the Kings of, 16, 132 

Europeans, artillerymen in service 
of Dara, 49, 51, 52 ; permitted 
to distil spirits, 50 ; persecute 
Manucci, 155, 156 

Eusebius, of Bourges, brings home 
MS. of Manucci's " Storia," ix 

Factories, Dutch, at Isfahan, 23-; 
at Patnah, 115; at Dhakah, 
118; 'at Qasim Bazar, 123; 
English, at Isfahan, 21, 23 ; at 
Bandar 'Abbas, 27 ; at Agrah, 
36, 38 ; at Patnah, 115 ; at 
Dhakah, 1 1 8 ; French, at Qasim 
Bazar, 123 

Fahim, the eunuch, sent to Dara, 

Fahim, eunuch, servant of Auran- 
gzeb, employed to carry 
messages to Shahjahan, 73 

Fath-ullah Khan, Manucci cures, 

Fida,e Khan, on the way to 
Lahor, 147 ; Manucci appeals 
to troopers of, for protection, 
147, 148 ; and Manucci, 149 ; 
permits Manucci to have fat 
removed from two condemned 
rebels, 153 ; leaves Lahor, 154 ; 
Manucci appeals for protection 
to, 156, 157; references, 150, 

IS 2 

Figueredo, Joao Lopes de, Ma- 
nucci's attorney, 217, 218 

Fonequa, Alvaro da, of S. Thome, 

Fort of the Kings at Goa, 179, 181 

Fort St. George (Madras), Ma- 
nucci takes refuge at, vii ; 
Manucci arrives at, 196 ; Ma- 
nucci married at, 197 ; Da.ud 
Khan. Pannl, visits Governor 
Pitt at, 248 

Foscarini, Doge Marco Nicold, 
only authority for death of Ma- 
nucci in 1717, viii 

Francisco, Frey, Father Vicar of 
Gulkandah, Manucci appeals for 
help to, 195 

Frederick, Mr., English envoy sent 
to Da,ud Khan, 263, 264 

French, at Smyrna, 2 ; factory 
at Qasim Bazar, 123 ; Da.ud 
Khan. Panni, asks them for 
help against the English, 254 

Galen, 160 

Gallo, Father Salvador, prefect of 

Theatines at Goa, 217, 218 
Ganges, the river of Allahabad, 

113 ; course of, 113, 114 ; 

Hindus bathe in, 113 
Caspar Alfon9O, Bishop, at S. 

Thome, 229, 230, 231 



Ghulam 'AH Khan, Governor of 
Vellore, invites Manucci to 
visit him, 259, 260 

Ghusul-Khanah, private audience 
chamber, Manucci allowed to 
enter the, 203 

Gitar, provisional governor of 
Lahor, 146 

Goa, Manucci at, v, vi, 135, 136, 
137 ; Manucci decides to re- 
turn to, 1 66 ; under government 
of archbishop Dom Manoel de 
Souza de Menezes, 168 ; Sambha 
Jj's designs on, 172, 173 ; Shah 
'Alam approaches, 175 ; the 
river of, 178, 181 ; Aguadafort, 
and Fort of the Kings, at, 179 ; 
Manucci obtains leave to visit, 
1 88 ; takes wheat to the Portu- 
guese, 189; jealousy of doctors 
in, 220, 221 ; Loureno da 
Cunha, of, and Manucci, 224, 
225 ; Manucci's stories of life 
in, 226, 227, 228 ; references, 
186, 217, 229 

Gombroon. See Bandar 'Abbasi 

Gomens, IgnaciO, searches for 
Manucci's body, after his re- 
ported death, 96 

Gomes, Pascoal, of Goa, 218 

Gonzalves, Luis, a friend of Ma- 
nucci, 279, 280 

Great Mount, the. See Big 

Gudlet, Thomas, an Englishman, 
friend of Manucci, 191 

Guety, Francisco, friend of Ma- 
nucci at Gulkandah, 193 

Guilherme (William), an English- 
man, assists Manucci to de- 
monstrate European mode of 
fighting, 128, 129 

Gujarat, Dara reaches, 86 ; raises 
a new army in, 87 ; Mahabat 
KJian at, 126; Little, 146 

Gulkandah, Manucci in, vi ; Ma- 
nucci reaches 193 ; flies from, 
and is brought back, 194 ; Abu.l 
Hasan, King of, and Manucci, 
**93i T 94 195 i references, 24, 191 

Gul Mirza, Governor of Hugli, 
grants Jesuits permission to 
build a church at Manucci's re- 
quest, 119 

Gwaliyar, the fortress of, des- 
cribed, 35, 36 ; Bellomont and 
Manucci at, 35, 36 

Gyfford, Governor, employs Ma- 
nucci, vii, 215 

Handiyah, the town of, 33 

Hardancourt, Monsieur, marries 
granddaughter of Fr. Martin, 

Harem, the Royal, Manucci visits, 
in his capacity as physician, 203 

Hartley, Christopher, president of 
Machhlipatanam, 196 

Hasan, tomb of, at Isfahan, 23 

Hasan 'All Khan on the march to 
Kashmir, 104 

Hasanqala'h, 6 

Hayel, Alexandre (Elihu Yale), 
Governor of Madras, 216 

Hindu princes, of the Karnatlk, 

Hindus, at Lar, 25 ; the strong 
places of, 35 ; bathing in the 
Ganges, 113 ; the ancient idol 
of, at Benares, 1 14 ; the way of 
fastening their gown, 126 ; the, 
of Chawal, complain to Jai 
Singh, 132, 133 

Hindustan, 33 

Hixin, 28 

Hodal, death of Bellomont at, 
1656, v, 37 ; Manucci buries 
Bellomont at, 37 ; references, 
40, 44 

Hormuz. See Ormuz 

Hugli, the Ganges at, 114; Ma- 

" nucci at, 118, 119 ; a marriage 

proposed by the Jesuits, 120, 

121 ; interference of two friars, 

121, 122 ; Manucci leaves, 123 

Husain, tomb of, at Isfahan, 23 

lago Sant. See St. lago 

Ibrahim Khan, one of Dara's 
generals, 57 

Ignatio, a French doctor's son, 
and Manucci, 269, 270 

India, 2 ; Manucci with Bello- 
mont in, v. 

Isfahan, Manucci and Bellomont 
'at, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 
20 ; description of, 21, 22, 23 ; 
Mr. Young, head of English 
factory at, 21, 23 ; Christian 
churches in, 23 ; tombs of 'All, 
Husain, and Hasan at, 23 ; 
references, 10, n, 12, 25, 207 

Italians, at Smyrna, 2 




I'tibar KJian, offers Manucci em- 
ployment, no, in ; harsh 
treatment of Shahjahan in 
prison, in, 112 

Ivo, Father, Capuchin of Surat, 

Jacob, a Dutch surgeon, assists 
Manucci with a case, 124 

Jai Singh, Rajah, Manucci enters 
service of , v, 1 25 ; and the Rajah 
of Srmagar, 87 ; on the march 
to Kashmir, 107 ; Manucci des- 
cribes European modes of fight- 
ing to, 127, 128; a demon- 
stration, 128, 129 ; presents 
Manucci to Shi vajl, 132; Hindus 
of Chawal make a complaint to, 
132, 133 ; Manucci grieved at 
death of, 141 ; references, 205, 

Jamnah, the river, at Allahabad, 
113 ; course of, 113, 114 

Jam Begam, goes to Dihll with 
Dara, 71 

Jesuit Fathers. See Jesuits, the 

Jesuits, the, Manucci's account of 
their disputes with the Capu- 
chins, vii ; their church at 
Isfahan, 23 ; Manucci meets, 
at Agrah, no ; ask Manucci to 
take two friars with him to 
Bengal, 112; at Hugll ask 
Manucci to use his influence on 
their behalf, 119 ; at Hugli try 
to arrange a marriage for 
Manucci, 120, 121 ; at Hugli, 
and the Father Prior of the Au- 
gustinians, 122 ; at Agrah, 
Manucci visits, 141 ; at Ban- 
dora, 162 ; and Antonio 
Machado, 164, 165 ; references, 
132, 234 

Jew's stones, from Mecca, 28 

Jhon, Mestre. See Young, Henry 

Jlwan Khan, and the reward of 
treachery, 97 

Jonh, Mestre. See Young, Henry 

Judith, the Book of, 8 

Kabul, KIrat Singh ordered to, vi, 
141 ; Muhammad Amln Khan, 
ordered to, 145 

Kaliyanl, 134 

Kambaya, 225 

Kambe, village called, 1 34 

Karapa, Cudapah, Manucci visits 

Da,ud Khan at, 257 
Karnatik, the, Da.ud Khan, PannI, 

in, 236 ; Hindu princes of the, 

258 ; reference, 225 
Kar-talab Kjian, Governor of 

Dihli^, 271 
Kashmir, Aurangzeb's march to, 

102 ; Aurangzeb in, 124, 125 
Khajwah, battle of, references, 

104, 117, 119 
Khalilullah Khan, the traitor, 53 ; 

gives traitorous advice to Dara, 

57, 62, 63, 67, 68 ; advances 

with Dara's army, 61, 66; 

oe3 off to join Aurangzeb, 68, 
9 ; Manucci spreads false re- 
port of his death, 71 ; sends 
force against Bhakkar, 87 ; 
letters to Primavera (Khwajah 
Basant), 88 ; leaves Lahor, 88 ; 
returns discomfited, 89 ; sends 
messages to Primavera, 92 ; 
Basant's head laid before, 96 ; 
orders Manucci and his com- 
panions to proceed to court, 
97 ; his excuses for the murder 
of Khwajah Basant, 97, 98 

Khwajah Baha-ud-dm, tomb of, 
atMultan, 81, 82 

Khwajah Khidr, island of, 86 

Kirat Singh, Manucci takes ser- 
vice with, vi ; generous treat- 
ment of Manucci at Dihll, 141 ; 
ordered to Kabul, 141 ; refer- 
ence, 125 

Kohir, province of, Shah 'Alam in, 

Kolis, petty rajahs of, 129 

Labor, Manucci goes to, vi ; 
Dara starts for, 71 ; Dara in, 
raising a new army, 74 ; Ma- 
nucci rejoins Dara at, 77 ; Dara 
leaves, 78 ; Aurangzeb leaves, 
82 ; KJialllullah Khan leaves, 
88 ; returns to, 89 ; governor 
of, 91 ; Khwajah Basant and 
Manucci at, 91, 92 ; Manucci 
goes to, 141 ; sets up as a 
physician, 142 ; his first patient, 
142-44 ; gains a reputation for 
skill, 144, 145 ; Manucci at, 
affair of the holy man of Balkh, 
150, 151, 152 ; affair of Thika, 
Arain, 153, 154, 155 ; Manucci 
at, story of eunuch Daulat, 1 59, 



1 60 ; Manucci at, practises as 
an exorcist, 160, 161, 162 ; 
Manucci leaves, 162, 163 ; re- 
ferences, 86, 268 ; the river of, 

Langkaran, Brahman, 244, 245 

Lar, Hindus at, 25 ; Manucci and 
Bellomont at, 25, 26 

Lashkar Khan. Governor of Mul- 
tan, and Khwajah Basant, 91 

Legrenzi, Angelo, and Manucci, 
287, 288 

Lima, Antonio Palha de, of S. 
Thome, 217 

Lima, Francisco de, 217 

Lister, Mr., English envoy sent 
to Da.ud Khan, 264 

Lopes, Gonsallo, priest, 222 

Machado, Antonio, leaves Ban- 
dora with Manucci, 164 ; causes 
trouble for the Jesuits, 164, 

Machhllpatanam, Christopher 
Hartley, president of, 196 

Madeyra, Cosmo Louren9o, of San 
Thome, 217 

Madras, Manucci in, vii ; Da,ud 
Khan in, vii ; Manucci's house 
and garden at, vii ; (Fort St. 
George), Manucci arrives at, 
196 ; Thomas Clarke, second at 
the station of, 196 ; (Fort St. 
George), Manucci marries at, 
197; English in, 241, 242; 
Manucci returns to, 245 ; ren- 
ders account of his deputation to 
the Governor, 246 ; the Governor 
sends deputation to Da,ud 
Khan, PannI, 246, 247 ; (Fort 
St. George), Da,ud Khan, 
Pannl, visits Governor Pitt at, 
248 ; Manucci's return to warn 
English in, 251 ; English in, 
prepare to resist attack of 
Da.ud Khan. 253 ; Manucci 
leaves for S. Thome, 255 ; Ma- 
nucci returns to, with a mes- 
sage for Governor Pitt, 257 ; 
country between Cuddapah and, 
258 ; Manucci returns to, from 
Tevanapatam, 267 ; town of, 
references, 236 

Magic and spells, stories of, 131, 

Mahabat Khan, ordered to return 
to Gujarat, 125 ; suspects Ma- 

nucci of poisoning him, 149 ; 
his death, 1 50 ; ordered to write 
to Governor Gyfford, 216 ; re- 
ferences, 145, 146, 281 

Mahal. See Harem, Royal 

Malidl, Mirza, captain of cavalry, 

Mahomed, the prophet, 5 

Mahomedans, way of fastening 
the gown, 126 

Mailapur, Caspar Alfon9O, Bishop 
of, 229 

Malabarls, 162 

Malier, Clodio, visits Manucci, 39, 
40 ; befriends Manucci, 46, 47 ; 
presents Manucci at Court of 
Prince Dara, 48 ; Manucci lives 
in his house, 50 

Malkher, Manucci escapes from, 

Manucci : and Abu.l Hasan, King 
of Gulkandah, 193, 194, 195 ; at 
Agrah, v, 36 ; leaves with 
Dara and his army, 53 ; retreats 
to, 71 ; tries to leave, 72 ; is 
obliged to remain, 73 ; leaves in 
disguise, 74 ; at, offered em- 
ployment by I 'tibar Khan, no, 
in ; he leaves, taking two 
friars with him, 112 ; treats 
the governor, 124 ; visits Jesuits, 
141 ; at Agrah, 163, 164 ; at 
Ahmadnagar, accompanies Shah 
'Alam to, vi ; at Allahabad, 112, 
113, 114; at Allahabad, 124; 
and Monsieur Albert, doctor at 
Pondicherry, 267 ; Joao de 
Alreu prevents his marriage 
with the Pathan widow, 158, 
159 ; and Amanat Khan. 150, 
151 ; at Arkat, sent with a de- 
putation to Da.ud Khan, Pannl, 
236 ; travels through Asia 
Minor with Bellomont, v ; at 
Aurangabad, 140, 141, 287; with 
Jai Singh, 129; and Aurang- 
zeb, refuses offer of employ- 
ment, 98 ; his aversion to, in ; 
and Aurangzeb, translates his 
letter to the Viceroy of Goa, 
1 66 ; and Aurangzeb, negotiates 
with on behalf of Governor 
Gyfford, 215 ; and MIr_ Azam, 
envoy sent by Shah 'Alam to 
Viceroy of Goa, 177, 178, 179 ; 
and 'Azamat-ud-daulah, present 
during'his interviews with Lord 


Bellomont, 13, 15, 16,17, ! 8, 19 ; 
and Thome de Azevedo, phy- 
sician at Goa, 220, 221 ; treats 
a relation of the envoy from 
Balkh, 99, 100, 101 ; story of 
the holy man of Balkh, 1 50, 151, 
152 ; describes manners and 
customs of nobles from Balkh, 
100-2 ; at Bandar 'Abbas, 
26, 27 ; at Bandora, vi ; 
resolves to retire to, 162 ; 
arrives, 163 ; leaves with A. 
Machado, 164 ; and Barqan- 
daz Khan. 77, 142 ; and 
Khwajah Basant (Primavera), 
recommended to his care by 
Dara, 85 ; and Khwajah Basant, 
under his command at Bhak- 
kar, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90 ; and 
Kh. Basant, leaves Bhakkar with 
him, 91 ; at Lahor, 91, 92 ; 
stands by him, 93 ; at Bassain, 
v, 134, 135 ; questioned by the 
commissary of the Inquisition 
at, 228 ; and Frey Irao Bau- 
tista, 118, 119, 122; and Luis 
Bei9ao, they demonstrate Euro- 
pean mode of fighting, 128, 129 ; 
and Bellomont, is taken into his 
service, v, I, 2 ; travels with 
him through Asia Minor and 
Persia, v, 2-27 ; and Lord 
Bellomont, present at his inter- 
view with 'Azamat-ud-daulah, 
13,15,16,17,18,19; with Bel- 
lomont in India, 28-37 ; buries 
Bellomont at Hodal, 37 ; at 
Benares, 114 ; journey to Ben- 
gal by boat, 1 1 6, 1 1 7, 1 1 8 ; com- 
ments on Bernier's inaccuracy, 
1 10 ; makes use of bezoar stone 
in treatment, 114; at Bhakkar, 
arrives with army of Dara, 84 ; 
at Bhakkar, made captain of the 
Europeans left in the fortress, 
85 ; at Bhakkar, the fortress 
besieged, 86, 87 ; at Bhakkar, 
wounded by an arrow, 88 ; at 
Bhakkar, in command of the 
artillery, 88, 89, 90 ; at Bhakkar, 
leaves with Khwajah Basant 
(Primavera), 91 ; attends Bhao 
Singh, 205 ; at the river Biah, 
meets Da,ud Khan, 76 ; his 
house at Big Mount, Da,ud 
Khan stays there, 263 ; his 
house at Big Mount attacked, 

276 ; his house at Big Mount, 
reference, 250 ; at city of Bija- 
pur, 134 ; in the Kingdom of 
Bijapur, 138; blood-letting, 
describes his mode of treating 
royal patients, 199, 200, 283, 
284, 285 ; his friend Orten- 
zio Bronzoni, 230, 231 ; at 
Brusa, arrival, 2 ; departure, 
3 ; at Burhanpur, 31, 32, 33, 
141 ; and Capuchins, account of 
their disputes with the Jesuits, 
vii, Pere Catrou, viii, ix ; 
treats Rajah Champat, son of 
Champat Bundelah, 197 ; sent 
as envoy to the Rajah of Chiutia, 
129, 131 ; and the Christian 
religion, 126, 127 ; and the 
widow Dona Christiana, of Goa, 
227, 228 ; marries E. Clarke, 
n&e Hartley, at Fort St. George, 
vii, 197 ; her death, 289 ; and 
Dom R. da Costa, commander 
of Portuguese fleet, 174, 178, 
217, 218, 221 ; and Luis Gon- 
salves Cota, secretary at Goa, 
220, 221 ; and Ant. de Couza 
Coutinho, 229 ; at Cudapah 
(Karapa), visits to Da.ud Khan. 
257 ; tricked by Loureno da 
Cunha, of Goa, 224, 225 ; fol- 
lows Shah 'Alam to the Dakhin 
1678, vi ; refuses to attend 
Dalpat Rao, 225, 226 ; at 
Daman, 163, 166, 225; and 
Dara, the prince expresses a 
wish to see Manucci, 47 ; he 
interviews Manucci, 48 ; Man- 
ucci enters his service, v, 49 ; 
with the army, 53-59 ; the 
battle-array, 60, 61 ; describes 
course of battle and defeat of 
Dara, 62-70 ; Manucci rejoins 
the prince at Lahor, 77 ; 
follows Dara from Lahor, 80 ; 
the army leaves Multan, 82, 83; 
arrival at Bhakkar, 84 ; Manucci 
begs for leave to go with Dara, 
84 ; the prince makes Manucci 
captain of Europeans left at 
Bhakkar, 85 ; date of death, 
vii, viii, 289 n. ; Da,ud Khan 
gives Manucci a passport, 76; 
Da.ud Khan, Manucci visits 
him at Patnah, 116; Da,ud 
Khan, Panni, a letter to, 
232, 233 ; and Da,ud Khan, 


Panni, sent with a deputation 
to greet him by the Eng- 
lish, 236, 237 ; and Da.ud 
KJjan, Panni, course of the nego- 
tiations, 238-45 ; and Da,ud 
Khan, Panni, 246, 247 ; and 
Da.ud Khan, Panni, sent to 
meet him at S. Thome and 
escorts him to Fort St. George, 
248 ; and Da,ud Khan, Panni, 
sent to interview him at San 
Thome, 251-54; and Da,ud 
Khan, Panni, a visit at Cuda- 
pah, 257 ; ; and Da.ud Khan, 
Panni , a visit to Manucci's house 
at Big Mount, 263 ; Da,ud 
Khan, Panni, Manucci visits, 
with the English envoys, 263, 

264 ; Da,ud Khan, Panni, 
Manucci goes to take leave of, 

265 ; receives presents, 266 ; 
the eunuch Daulat, 159, 
1 60 ; Deslandes brings MS. 
of the "Storia" to Europe, 
viii, suggests to Manucci the 
writing of his "Storia," no; 
at Dhakah, well treated by 
Thomas Platt, 1 1 8 ; at Dhol- 
pur, 36 ; warned by Agostinho 
Dias of danger, 91 ; at 
Dihli, v, 38, 39, 74, 97, 
no, 271 ; at Dihli, acting as a 
physician, 99, 165 ; at Dihli, 
handsomely treated by Kirat 
Singh, 141 ; at Dihli, en- 
ters service of Jai Singh, v, 
125 ; Dilawar, warns him of 
danger, 92 ; Diler Khan, 
sends for Manucci to attend 
him, 212 ; Dindar KJian, of 
Qasur, Manucci thinks of 
marrying his daughter, 157; 
seeks refuge in house of his 
friend Dulha, 95, 96 ; encounter 
with an angry slave, 211, 212 ; 
speaks in defence of the English, 
241, 242 ; at Erivan, 6, 7 ; at 
Erzerum, 5 ; persecuted by the 
Europeans, 155, 156; Euse- 
bius, of Bourges, brings home 
MS. of the " Storia," ix ; 
cures Fath-ullah-Khan, 210 ; 
Fida.e Khan, Manucci is 
presented to, 149 ; permits 
Manucci to have fat removed 
from two condemned rebels, 
153; to Fida,e Khan, Ma- 

nucci appeals for protection, 
l $6, 157 ; and his attorney, J. 
L. de Figueredo, 217, 218 ; at 
Fort St. George (Madras), vii, 
196 ; he marries, 197 ; appeals 
for help to Frey Francisco, 
Father Vicar of Gulkandah, 
195; Father Salvador Gallo, of 
Goa, 217, 218 ; and Bishop 
Gaspar Alfonso, 229, 230, 231 ; 
visits Ghulam 'Ali Ihan at 
Vellore, 259, 260 ; allowed to 
enter the, Ghusul-Khanah or 
private audience chamber, 203 ; 
at Goa, v, vi, 135, 137 ; his 
illness there, 136; at Goa, he 
leaves in disguise, 138 ; decides 
to return, 166 ; at Goa, warn- 
ings to the viceroy, 167, 1 68 ; at 
Goa, treated as a traitor by 
Dom Manoel de Souza de 
Menezes, 169 ; at Goa, presents 
Sambha Ji's envoy to the 
viceroy, 1 70 ; at Goa, sent as en- 
voy to Sambha Ji, vi, 171, 172 ; 
at Goa, helps to frustrate de- 
signs of Sambha Ji and his 
envoy, 173 ; at Goa, sent as 
envoy to the Mogul fleet, off 
Vingorla, 174, 175 ; at Goa, 
sent as envoy to Sambha Ji for 
the second time, 175 ; at Goa, 
sent to speak with Shah ' Alam's 
envoy, 177 ; at Goa, meets Mir 
'Azam, envoy from Shah 'Alam 
to the viceroy, I77,_i78, 179; 
at Goa, visits Shah 'Alam at his 
encampment near, 179, 180, 
181, 182 ; obtains leave of 
absence to visit Goa, 188 ; 
takes wheat to the Portuguese 
there, 189 ; at Goa, jealousy of 
the physicians there, 220, 221 ; 
at Goa, tricked by L. da Cunha, 
224, 225 ; at Goa, stories of 
life there, 226, 227, 228 ; his 
friend Luis Gonzalves, 279, 280 ; 
and Thomas Gudlet, 191 ; his 
friend Fr. Guety at Gulkandah, 
193 ; Guilherme (William), 
an Englishman, assists him to 
demonstrate European mode of 
fighting, 128, 129 ; and Mirza 
Gul, Governor of Hugli, 119; 
in Gulkandah, vi, he arrives, 
193 ; flies from and is brought 
back, 194 ; in Gulkandah, deal- 



ings with the King Abu.l 
Hasan, 193, 194, 195 ; at 
Gwaliyar, 35, 36 ; employed by 
Governor Gyfford, vii, 215 ; 
visits the Royal Harem as a 
physician, 203 ; buries Bello- 
mont at Hodal, 37 ; arrives at 
Hugli ; 118 ; goes to see Frey 
Irao Bautista, 118, 119; at 
Hugli, a marriage proposed by 
the Jesuits, 120, 121 ; interfer- 
ence of two friars, 121, 122 ; 
leaves Hugli, 123 ; helps Ignatio, 
a French doctor's son, 269, 
270 ; in India with Bello- 
mont v; at Isfahan, 12, 13, 
14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 
23 ; and I'tibar Khan, an offer 
of employment, no, in ; 
Jacob, a Dutch surgeon, assists 
him with a case, 124 ; enters 
service of Jai Singh, v, 125; 
describes European modes of 
fighting to him, 127, 128 ; a 
demonstration, 128, 129 ; is 

E resented by Jai Singh to 
hiva JI, 132 ; grief at death of 
Jai Singh, 141 ; and the Jesuits, 
account of their disputes with 
the Capuchins, vii, meets them 
at Agrah, 1 10 ; they ask him 
to take two friars with him 
to Bengal, 112; ask him to 
use his influence in their be- 
half at Hugli, 119; they try 
to arrange a marriage for him 
at Hugli, 1 20, 121 ; he visits 
them at Agrah, 141 ; at Karapa 
(Cudapah), visit to Da,ud Khan, 
257; describes Aurangzeb's 
march to Kashmir, 102-10 ; three 
days' march with the army to- 
wards Kashmir, no; spreads 
false report of death of Khalilul- 
lah Khan, 71 ; is ordered to pro- 
ceed to court of Aurangzeb by 
Kh. Kh.. 97 ; takes service with 
Kirat Singh, vi ; is generously 
treated by him at Dihll, 141 ; 
goes to Lahor, vi ; rejoins Dara 
at, 77 ; with Khwajah Basant 
at, 91, 92; at Lahor, in great 
danger, 94 ; escapes naked, 95 ; 
at Lahor, 141 ; sets up as a 
physician, 142 ; his first patient, 
142-4 ; gains a reputation for 
skill, 144, 145 ; at Lahor, affair 

of the holy man of Balkh, 150, 
151, 152; at Lahor, story of 
Thika Arain, a corpulent Ma- 
homedan, 153, 154, 155 ; at 
Lahor, forced to leave in suite 
of Muhammad Arnin Khan, 145; 
returns, 146 ; falsely accused of 
theft, 147 ; at Lahor, appeals 
for protection to Fida,e Khan's 
troopers, 147, 148 ; at Lahor, 
visits Mirza Salih, son of Fida.e 
Khan. 148 ; is presented by 
him to Fida.e Khan, 149 ; at 
Lahor, story of the eunuch Dau- 
lat, 1 59, 1 60 ; at Lahor, practises 
as an exorcist, 160, 161, 162 ; 
leaves Lahor, 162, 163 ; at 
Lar, 25, 26 ; and A. Legrenzi, 
physician, 287, 288 ; and Ant. 
Machado, 164 ; in Madras, vii; 
his house and garden, vii; he 
arrives at Madras (Fort St. 
George), 196 ; at Madras (Fort 
St. George), his marriage, 197 ; 
returns from deputation to 
Da,ud Stan, 245 ; warning to 
the English, 251 ; at Madras, 
leaves for S. Thome, 255 ; re- 
turns with a message for 
Governor Pitt, 257 ; returns 
from Tevanapatam, 267 ; sus- 
pected of poisoning Mahabat 
1^3 an, 149, 150; receives a 
visit from Clodio Malier, 39, 40 ; 
befriended by Clodio Malier, 46, 
47 ; presented at court of 
Pr. Dara, by Clodio Malier, 48 ; 
lives in house of Cl. Malier, 
50 ; escapes from Malkher, vi ; 
and Father Martin, Jesuit, 
231-33 ; Fr. Martin, Director- 
General, suggests that Ma- 
nucci should write his auto- 
biography, 1 10 ; sends Ma- 
nucci to Daman in an armed 
sloop, 1 66 ; visits Fra^ois 
Martin, at Pondicherry, is ad- 
vised by him to marry, 1 96 ; 
receives letter from Fra^ois 
Martin, 231 ; replies, 233; com- 
municates with Fran9ois Mar- 
tin, 251, 255 ; treats Fr. Mar- 
tin when ill, effects a cure, 
267; at Masulipatam, vi ; Dom 
M. de Souza de Menezes, 
treats M. as a traitor, 169 ; his 
friend Mirecautaula, 282, 283 ; 



and Mirza Arjanj, 274, 275 ; 
and Mirza Muhammad Muqim, 
207, 208, 209 ; visits MirzaSalih, 
148 ; is presented by him to 
Fida.e Khan, 149 ; called to 
attend Mirza Sulaiman _Beg, 
brother-in-law of Shah 'Alam, 
207, 208 ; and Khwajah Miskin, 
49 ; explains why he left the 
Mogul country, 198, 199 ; and 
Muhammad Amln Khan, forced 
to leave Lahor in his suite, 145 ; 
falsely accused by him of theft, 
146, 147 ; assisted by Muham- 
mad Ibrahim to escape from 
Shah 'Alam, 191, 192, 193 ; 
asked to treat Muhammad Ja'far, 
257 ; Mir Muhammad sent in 
pursuit of, 1 86] 187; and Mu- 
hammad Muqim, 278, 279 ; 
cures Muhammad Riza, 210 ; al- 
tercation 'with Shekh Muham- 
mad, 183, 184 ; and Sultan 
Mu'izz-ud-din, 186 ; at Multan, 
81,91 ; and Mumin Khan. 195 ; 
at Narsapur, vi, he flies there 
to evade capture by Shah 
'Alam, 194; at Narwar, 35 ; 
interview with Nawab Bae Ji, 
mother of Shah 'Alam, 180 ; 
writes to the eunuch Nekroz, 
215 ; and Nur-un-nissa Be- 
gam, an accident in blood- 
letting, 286 ; his first trial of 
pan (betel), 30 ; attacked by 
thieves at Pandharpur, 139, 
1 40 ; lucky escape near Panipat, 
75. 76 ; at Parenda, 140 ; at 
Patnah, 114; story of the clever 
Armenian, 1 1 5, 1 16 ; at Patnah, 
visits Da,ud Khan, 116; at 
Patnah, 1 24 ; sent as envoy to 
Rajah of Pent, 129 ; in Persia, 
v, 6-27 ; and Pheliciano de 
SantaTeresa, Prior of Carmelites, 
at Goa, 227, 228 ; appeals for 
help to Lourenco Pit, 195 ; em- 
ployed by Governor Pitt, vii ; 
Governor Pitt arbitrates be- 
tween Manucci and the Portu- 
guese, 219 ; Manucci warns him 
of the approach of Da,ud 
Khan, 25 1 ; is asked by Governor 
Pitt to visit Da,ud Khan with 
the English envoys, 263 ; and 
Thomas Platt, of Dhakah, 1 18 ; 
in Pondicherry, vii, 251 ; visits 

Fr. Martin at, 196 ; leaves, 197 ; 
returns to Pondicherry to treat 
Fr. Martin, 267 ; and Joao A. 
Portugal, embassy to Shah 
'Alam, 222, 223, 224 ; em- 
ployed by the Portuguese, vi; 
and Signor Protazio, 287, 288 ; 
at Qasim Bazar, 123 ; be- 
friended by Qazi Mir, minister 
of Shah 'Alam, 281, 282, 283 ; 
at Qazwin, 9, 10, 1 1 , 12 ; arrives 
with Lord Bellomont at Ra- 
guza, 2 ; receives a warning 
from Rajapur, 168 ; at Rajma- 
hal, 117 ; story of sail at, 123 ; 
sent with Ramap. on deputa- 
tion to Da,ud Khan, 236 ; 
Ramapa causes trouble, 238-40, 
243, 244 ; his excuses, 245 ; 
generous conduct towards Ra- 
mapa, 246 ; sent as envoy to 
Rajah of Ramnagar, 129, 130 ; 
receives a horse from Manoel 
Ribeiro, 140 ; M. and T. Roach, 
38, 39, 44 ; visits G. Roberts, 
Governor of Tevenapatam, 266, 
267 ; and Heinrich Roth, Jesuit, 
112; and the Turk, Rumi 
KJian, 78, 79, 80, 81 ; as- 
sisted by Domingo de Sa, to 
demonstrate European mode of 
fighting, 128, 129 ; receives 
letter from Sa'adatullah Khan, 
256 ; and Sambha Ji, vi ; sent 
as envoy to, 171, 172, 175 ; 
and Diogo de M. de Sampayo, 
163, 164 ; at San Thome, un- 
just treatment by Portuguese, 
217, 218 ; at San Thome, 
Governor Pitt as arbitrator, 219; 
San Thome, sent to receive 
Da.ud Khan, PannI, at, 248; 
made a Knight of Sant' lago, 
vi, 184 ; the letters patent, 184, 
185, 1 86; takes part in a 
rescue from satJ, 124, 125'; 
warns I. Sermento at Bassain of 
trouble, 133 ; I. Sermento testi- 
fies as to Manucci 's services to 
the Portuguese, 133, 134 ; tardy 
payment of a debt to Manucci, 
1 36 ; enters service of Shah 
'Alam, vi, 165, 166 ; obtains 
leave, 166 ; visits him at his 
camp near Goa, 179-82 ; and 
Shah 'Alam, 181, 182 ; attempts 
to leave Shah 'Alam, 1 86 ; is 



recaptured, 1.87 ; obtains leave 
from Shah 'Alam to visit Goa, 
1 88 ; takes a supply of wheat 
with him, 189; again leaves 
Shah 'Alam, 191, 192, 193 ; 
Shah 'Alam sends in search of 
him, 197 ; Shah 'Alam plays 
a_ trick onM., 201, 202 ; Shah 
'Alam tries to persuade him to 
change his religion, 204 ; tested 
by Shah 'Alam,_ 206, 207 ; 
ordered by Shah 'Alam to treat 
different people at his court, 
208-10; Shah Alam annoyed at 
his being sent for by Diler 
Khan. 2 12, _ 21 3; negotiates 
with Shah 'Alam, vi, 222-24 ; 
and Shah 'Alam, 277-82 ; pre- 
sented to Shahjahan, 42 ; des- 
cribes the audience hall, 42, 43 ; 
at Shiraz, 24, 25 ; meets Shiva 
JI, 132 ; at Sihrind, 97, 163 ; 
reference, 285 ; atSindi, 28 ; at 
Sironj, 33, 34; M. and R. Smith, 
38, 39, 44 ; arrives with Lord 
Bellomont at Smyrna, 2 ; Joao 
de Souza helps him to prescribe, 
100 ; his " Storia do Mogor," 
account of the MSS., viii, ix ; at 
Surat, 29, 30, 31, 163, 1 66 ; as a 
swashbuckler, 273, 274 ; youth- 
ful escapades, 275, 276 ; at 
Tabriz, 7, 8 ; Ignacio de Taide 
embezzles his ship and cargo, 
163 ; and Fr. deTavora, Viceroy 
of Goa, 221 ; sends Manucci to 
negotiate with Sambha Ji, 171 ; 
Fr. de Tavora, his reports 
to, 173, 182 ; sends Manucci as 
envoy to the Mogul fleet, 174, 
175 ; Fr. de Tavora, sends Ma- 
nucci to speak with envoy of 
Shah 'Alam, 177 ; Fr. de Ta- 
vora offers Manucci knighthood 
of Sant' lago, 1 84 ; at Tevena- 
patam, 266, 267 ; and Thlka 
Arain, a corpulent Mahomedan, 
1 5 3~5 5 ; atTokat, 3 ; describes 
manners and customs of Uz- 
baks from Balkh, 100-102 ; 
at Vellore, 259, 260 ; runs away 
from Venice, 1653, v, i ; and 
Father Damao Vieira, 228, 229 ; 
sent as envoy to Mogul fleet off 
Vingorla, 174, 175 ; applies for 
help to Wazir Khan. 40, 41 ; 
taken to Shahjahan's palace by 

Wazir Khan, 41, 42; and 
Wazir Khan, 44, 45, 46 ; writes 
to Henry Young at Surat, 50 ; 
Zu.lfiqar Khan sends a present 
to, 266 

Maquari, Monsieur, doctor at 
Pondicherry, 267 

Maronites, musical instruments 
employed by, 107 

Martin, Father, Jesuit, and M. 
231, 232, 233 ; reference, 235 

Martin, Fra^ois, Director - Gen- 
eral, suggests to Manucci that he 
should write his autobiography, 
no ; sends Manucci to Daman 
in an armed sloop, 166 ; Ma- 
nucci goes to visit, 196 ; ad- 
vises Manucci to marry, 196 ; 
letter to Manucci from, 231 ; 
Manucci replies to, 233 ;; Ma- 
nucci communicates with, 251, 
255 ; sends an envoy to Da,ud 
Khan. 255 ; Da.ud Khan sends 
a horse to, 256 ; letter from 
Sa'adatullah Khan to, 257 ; 
marriage of his granddaughter, 
266 ; illness of, Manucci hastens 
to his side, 267 ; death of, 289 

Martin, Senhor Francisco. See 
Martin, Francois 

Masqat, fruitless Portuguese ex- 
pedition against, 137, 138 

Masson, Monsieur, a French pirate, 

Masulipatam, Manucci at, vi 

Maya, Thomas de, of S. Thome, 

Mecca, Jew's-stones from, 28 

Meerman, Baron Gerard, pur- 
chases MS. of the " Storia," 
1705, viii 

Mellos and Mendozas, disputes of, 
at Bassain, 134, 135 

Menezes, Dom Manoel de Souza de, 
Archbishop, temporary Gover- 
nor of Goa, 1 68, 169; treats 
Manucci as a traitor, 1 69 

Menezes, Manoel da Silva de, of S. 
Thome, 217, 220 

Mirak Ata ullah, a captain, 150 

Mir Baba, foster brother of 
Aurangzeb. See Bahadur Khan 

Mir Jumlah, in Assam, 117, 118 ; 
Viceroy of Bengal, makes Mirza 
Jam Governor of Rajmahal, 117; 
makes Mirza Gul Governor of 
Hugli, 119 



Mirecautaula, a friend of Manucci, 

282, 283 

Mirza 'Abdullah, 146 
Mirza Arjanj and Manucci, 274, 

Mirza Jam, Governor of Raj- 

rnahal, 117 
Miskin, Khwajah. Manucci put in 

the charge of, 49 
MisrI Khan, marries the Pa than 

widow instead of Manucci, 158 
Mogul country, the, why Manucci 

left, 198, 199 

Moguls, the, fond of flowers, 22 
Monte Grande. See Big Mount 
Moreira, Souza, custodian, 185 
Mota, Una de Manoel de, island 

near Goa, 178 
Mozambique, I. Sermento goes to, 

Mu 'Azzam, Sultan, on the march 

to Kashmir, 106 
Mubariz Khan, Manucci attends 

the wife of, 209 
Muhammad, 81, 82 ; the image of, 

Muhammad Amm Khan, 51 ; on 

the march to Kashmir, 104 ; 

Governor of Lahor, 141 ; forces 

Manucci to leave Lahor in his 

suite, 145 ; has Manucci falsely 

accused of theft, 146, 147 
Muhammad Ibrahim, assists Ma- 
nucci to escape from Shah 

'Alam, 191, 192, 193 
Muhammad Ja'far, Manucci asked 

to treat, 257 
Muhammad Mir, foster brother of 

Shah 'Alam, sent in pursuit of 

Manucci, 186, 187 
Muhammad Muqim, chief physi- 
cian to Shah 'Alam, 277, 278, 

279, 287, 288 
Muhammad Muqim Mirza, and 

M., 207, 208, 209 
Muhammad Riza, Manucci cures, 

Muhammad Riza, Mirza, officer 

of Shah 'A lam, 222 
Muhammad Sadiq, official at 

Shah 'Alam's court, 222 
Muhammad Sa'Id, dlwan of the 

Karnatik, 237 
Muhammad, Shekh, envoy from 

A'urangzeb to Viceroy of Goa, 

altercation with Manucci, 183, 

184 ; reference, 185 

Muhammad, Sultan, son of Au- 
rangzeb, 60 ; routed by Dara, 

Muhsin, Khan, Persian physician 
in service of Shah 'Alam, 207 ; 
and Muhammad Riza, 209, 

Mu'm Mir, Uzbak, 246 

Mu'izz-udjdm, Sultan, son of 
Shah 'Alam, Manucci entrusts 
money to, 1 86 ; quarrels with 
his father, 200 ; references, 1 80 

Multan, Dara, starts for, 78 ; his 
followers arrive at, 81 ; and 
his followers leave, 82 ; Aurang- 
zeb arrives at, 83 ; Aurangzeb 
leaves, 85 ; Khwajah Basant 
and Lashkar Khan, Governor 
of, 91 ; reference, 116 

Mumin, Hakim, physician to 
Bahadur Khan, 1 1 3 

Mumin Khan, envoy of Shah 
'Alam, tries to carry Manucci off, 


Mumiycfi, Shiraz and its, 25 

Munger, rivers at, 114 

Murad Bakhsh, prepares to seize 
the throne, 51 ; advances with 
Aurangzeb's army, 60 ; hard 
pressed by Ram Singh, Rathor, 
66 ; arrives in Agrah, 73 ; starts 
with Aurangzeb in pursuit of 
Dara, 74 ; made a prisoner by 
Aurangzeb, 74 ; Manucci at- 
tends the daughter of , 1 5 1 , 1 52 ; 
references, 54, 59 

Murad, Mulla, Mahomedan 
Governor of S. Thome, 276 

Murad, Sultan, 8 

Music, instruments of, employed 
by Armenians, Syrians, Maro- 
nites, and Turks, 107 

Najabat Khan, one of Aurang- 
zeb's generals, 60 ; routed by 
Dara, 66 

Narapa, sent as envoy to Da,ud 
Khan, 251 

Narbada, the river, 33 

Narsapur, Manucci at, vi ; flies 
to, to evade capture by Shah 
'Alam, 194 

Narwar, Bellomont and Manucci 
at, 35 

Nawab Bae Ji, mother of Shah 
'Alam, interviews Manucci, 180 



Negapatam, the Dutch at, asked 
by Da.ud Khan to help him 
against the English, 254 

Nekroz, the eunuch, Manucci 
writes to, 215 

Nelur, the river, 179 

Niccolao, Hakim. See Manucci 

Noah, the Ark of, 6 

Nur-un-nissa, Begam, accident 
when Manucci drew blood from, 

Nutmeg, good effect of, on a horse, 

Ochu. See Uchh 
Ormuz, the fortress of, 13, 14, 22 ; 
the fortress and island of, 27 

Pan (betel leaf), 30, 31 ; Manucci's 
first trial of, 30 

Pandharpur, Manucci attacked by 
thieves at, 139, 140 

Panlpat, Manucci's lucky escape 
near, 75, 76 

Parenda, Manucci at, 140 

Paris, volume of portraits now at 
Bibliotheque Nationale, in, ix 

Patnah, rivers at, 113 ; Manucci 
at, 114, 115, 1 1 6, 124 ; factories 
at, English and Dutch, 115; 
manufacture and trade of, 115 

Pedro, Dom, Prince of Portugal, 

Pent, the Rajah of, Manucci sent 
as envoy to, 129 

Pereyra, Donna A, wife of 
Chris. Hartley, 196 

Persia, Manucci, accompanies 
Bellomont through, v ; presents 
for the King of, 6 ; sheep of the 
country, 8, 24 ; water supply 
in, 8, 26; climate resembling 
England, 14; Shah 'Abbas, King 
of, 9, 10, ii, 12, 14, 16, 20 ; the 
King of , references, 7, 8, 138; 
Akbar's intended flight to, 166, 
167; references, 2, 3, 5, 184,271 

Persian cavalry, parade of, 16 

Persians, fond of flowers, 22 

Peshawar, Fida.e Khan at, 1 50 

Pheliciano de Santa Teresa, Prior 
of Carmelites at Goa, 227, 228 

Philipps, Sir Thomas, purchases 
MS. of Manucci's " Storia " 
1824, viii 

Pinto, Manoel Texeyra, of San 
Thome, 217 

Pit, Lourenco, Dutch envoy in 
Gulkandah, Manucci appeals 
for help to, 195 

Pitt, Thomas, Governor of Madras, 
employs Manucci, vii ; arbit- 
rates between Manucci and the 
Portuguese, 219 ; visited by 
Da.ud Khan, 248, 249, 250 ; 
warned by Manucci of approach 
of Da,ud Khan, 251 ; reply to 
message from Da,ud Khan and 
others, 257, 258 ; asks Manucci 
to visit Da.ud Khan in com- 
pany with English envoys, 263 

Plato, 1 60 

Platt, Thomas, English boat- 
builder at Dhakah, friendly to 
Manucci, 118 

Ponda, Portuguese, defeat at, 168 

Pondicherry, Manucci in, vii, 251 ; 
Manucci goes to visit Fra^ois 
Martin at, 196 ; he leaves, 197 ; 
Father Martin returns to, 233 ; 
Manucci determines to visit, 
235; Da,ud Khan asks French 
at, for help against English, 
254 ; Fran9ois Martin ill at, 
267 ; death of Fra^ois Martin, 
Governor of, 289 

Porto, Domingos do, of S. Thome, 

Portraits, volume of, sent home 
with first MS. of " Storia," ix 

Portugal, the King of, 132, 181 

Portugal, Joao Antunes, Portu- 
guese envoy to Shah 'Alam, 
183 ; Joao Antunio, Portuguese 
envoy to Shah 'Alam and Ma- 
nucci, 222, 223, 224 

Portuguese, in India, 13, 22, 27, 
1 33> 136, J 66 ; employ Ma- 
nucci, vi. 

Primavera. See Basant, Khwajah 

Protazio, Signer, a German, and 
Manucci, 287, 288 

Puldo, ii, 15, 100, 101 

Puna-garh, the fortress of, refer- 
ence, 132 

Qandahar, and Shahjahan, 159 
Qasim Bazar, English, French 

and Dutch factories at, 123 ; 

Manucci at, 123 
Qasur, Dindar Khan, of, 157 
Qazi Mir, minister of Shah 'Alam, 

befriends Manucci, 281, 282, 




Qazwin, 8, 14 ; Manucci, and 
Bellomont at, 9, 10, 1 1 , 12 ; the 
royal palace at, 9, 10 ; situation 
of, 12 

Quran, the, references to, 74, 143, 
153, 164, 204, 208, 268 

Qutb Shah, King of Gulkandah, 
treasures of, 193 

Qutb-ud-dm, Khwajah, gardens 
of, near Dihll, 273 

Raguza, Manucci arrives with 
Lord Bellomont at, 2 

Rajapur, warning sent to Ma- 
nucci from, 1 68 

Rajmahal, rivers at, 114; Ma- 
nucci at, 117 ; story of satl, 123 

Rajputs, the, 67 ; way of wearing 
the hair, 126 

Ram Raja, son of Shiva JI, 258 

Ram Singh, Rathor, advances with 
Dara's army,' 6 1 ; death of, 66, 

Ramapa, sent with Manucci on 
deputation to Da,ud Khan. 236 ; 
causes trouble, 238, 239, 240, 
243, 244 ; his excuses, 245 ; 
Manucci' s generous conduct 
towards, 246 

Ramghat, a mountain called, 190 

Ramnagar, the Rajah of, Ma- 
nucci sent as envoy to, 129, 130 

Ravi, the river, 78 

Raworth, Mr., English envoy sent 
to Da,ud Khan, 263, 264 

Ribeiro, Manoel, gives Manucci a 
horse at Parenda, 140 

Ribeyro, Augustinho, of Goa, 218 

Roach, Thomas, seizes Bello- 
mont's property, 38 ; his peti- 
tion to Dara, 40 ; pardoned by 
Manucci, 44 

Roberts, Gabriel, Governor of 
Tevenapatam, Manucci visits, 
266, 267 

Rodrigues, Bertolameo, of S. 
Thome, 217 

Rori, town of, 86 

Roshan Ara Begam and her re- 
tinue on the march to Kashmir, 
107, 108 ; her travelling com- 
panion, 109 

Roth, Heinrich, Jesuit, begs Ma- 
nucci to take two friars with him 
to Bengal, 112 ; reference, 117 

Roubal, Monsieur de, a French 
pirate, 268 

Rumi Khan, Turkish officer, and 
Manucci, 78, 79, 80, 81 

Rustam Khan, Dakhinl, ad- 
vances with Dara's army, 61 
gives prudent advice to Dara 
62, 63 ; reinforces Dara, 64 
killed, 66 

Rustam Rao, second in command 
of Gulkandah forces, 195 ; im- 
prisoned for allowing Manucci 
to escape, 196 

Saa, Domingo de, assists Ma- 
nucci to demonstrate European 
mode of fighting, 128, 129 

Sa'adatullah Khan, writes to 
Manucci, 256 ; his letter to 
Fr. Martin, 257 

Safar, Khwajah, Armenian of 
Agrah, story of his bank- 
ruptcy at Patnah, 115, 116 

Sakkar, town of, 86 

Salih, Mirza, son of Fida.e Khan, 
Manucci visits, 148 ; presents 
Manucci to Fida.e Khan, 149 

Salsette, taken possession of by 
Sambha Ji, 170, 174 

Salt River (Ryo Salgado), 26 

Sambha Ji, Manucci negotiates 
with, vi ; 166 ; lays plans to 
seize Goa, 167, 168 ; takes pos- 
session of Salsette and Bardes, 
170 ; his designs on Goa, 172, 
173 ; Manucci sent as envoy to, 
171, 172 ; he sends an envoy in 
return, 172, 173 ; Manucci sent 
as envoy to, for the second time, 
175 ; reference, 190 

Sampayo, Diogo de Mello de, re- 
fuses to pay his debt to Ma- 
nucci, 163, 164 

Sanganes. See Sanjanls 

Sanjanis (West Coast pirates), 162 

San Marco, Library of, volume of 
portraits in, ix ; Manucci's MS. 
entered in catalogue, ix 

San Thome, Manucci at, 217, 218, 
219, 220 ; Bishop Caspar 
Alfon9oat,229,23o, 231 ; Da,ud 
Khan. Panni, at, 246 ; Manucci 
sent to receive Da.ud Khan. 
Panni, at, 248; Da.ud Khan, 
Panni, returns to, 250 ; Da.ud 
Khan, Panni, at, 251, 252, 253, 
254, 265 ; Fr. Martin sends Mon- 
sieur Desprez as envoy to 
Da,ud Khan, Panni, at, 255 ; 


Mulla Murad, Mahomedan 
Governor of, 276 

Santiago, fortress of, at Goa, 178 

Sant' lago, Manucci made a 
Knight of, vi, 184, 185, 186 

Santo Estevao.the island of, taken 
by Sambha JI, 175 ; Sambha JI, 
obliged to leave, 177 

Santo Pinto, Manoel de, Portu- 
guese envoy to Shah 'Alam, 183, 

Saraes, account of, 34 

Saraiva, Manoel, sent as envoy to 
Sambha JI, 175 

Sati, at Rajmahal, story of, 123 ; a 
rescue from, nearAgrah, 124,125 

Sennento, Ignacio, at Bassain, 
warned by Manucci of trouble, 
133 ; signs certificate testifying 
to Manucci's service to Portu- 
guese, 133, 134; tardy pay- 
ment of a debt to Manucci, 136 

Shafi' Khan, Governor of S. 
Thome, 219 

Shah 'Abbas. See 'Abbas II., 
Shah_of Persia 

Shah 'Alam, Manucci negotiates 
with, vi ; Manucci appointed 
physician to, vi ; Jai Singh 
joins, at Aurangabad, 129 ; 
Manucci enters service of, 165, 
1 66 ; Manucci obtains leave of 
absence from, 166 ; approaches 
Goa, 175 ; takes several of 
Sambha JI's forts, 176 ; arrives 
at Goa, 177 ; sends envoy to 
Viceroy of Goa, 177, 178 ; visit 
from Manucci, 179, 180, 181, 
182 ; grants Manucci leave of 
absence to visit Goa, 188 ; al- 
lows him to take a cargo of 
wheat with him, 189 ; Manucci 
escapes from, 191, 192 ; re- 
quests King of Gulkandah to 
send Manucci back to him, 194 ; 
complains to King of Gulkandah 
of his failure to arrest Manucci, 
196 ; sends in search of Ma- 
nucci, 197 ; Manucci attends 
the mother of, 199 ; quarrels 
with his son Sultan Mu'izz-ud- 
din, 200 ; play's a trick on 
Manucci, 201, 202 ; tries to 
persuade Manucci to change 
his religion, 204 ; and Bhao 
Singh, 205 ; his tests for 
Manucci, 206, 207 ; orders Ma- 

nucci to attend Muhammad 
Muqlm, 208 ; orders Manucci 
to attend the wife of Mubarix 
Khan, 209 ; orders Manucci to 
attend Fath-ullah-Khan, 210 ; 
annoyed to hear that Manucci 
has been sent for by Diler Khan, 
212, 213 ; Manucci sent as en- 
voy to, 222, 223, 224 ; and 
Manucci, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 
282 ; references, 141, 185 

Shahbaz, the eunuch, advises 
Murad Bajt^sh not to accom- 
pany Aurangzeb, 74 

Shahjahan, gives revenues of 
Surat to Begam Sahib, 31 ; at 
Dihll, 37 ; Manucci presented 
to, 42 ; his audience-hall, 42, 
43 ; illness of, 51 ; and Dara 
51, 52 ; writes to Dara, 58 ; 
message from Dara to, 69, 70 ; 
answer to Dara's message, 70 ; 
communications with Aurang- 
zeb, 73 ; made prisoner by 
Aurangzeb, 73, 74 ; in prison, 
harsh treatment of, in, 112; 
in prison at Agrah, 1 24 ; and 
Qandahar, 159 ; references, 29, 

Shah Shuja', son of Shahjahan, 
prepares to seize the throne, 5 1 ; 
66, 87, 104, 117, 119, 274 

Shaistah Khan, appointed 
Governor of Agrah, 74 ; refer- 
ences, 51, 249 

Sharif-ul-mulk, brother-in-law of 
King of Gulkandah, 193 

Sharzah Khan. 134 

Shekh Mir, leads a division of 
Aurangzeb's army, 64 ; refer- 
ence, 104 

Shlraz, the bridge of, at Isfahan, 
22 ; 23 ; Bellomont ill at, 24 ; 
description of, 24; Armenians at, 
24 ; Bellomontleaves,25 ; and its 
mumiyai, 25 

Shiva JI, has many conversations 
with Manucci, 132 ; references, 
129, 130, 138, 141 

Siam, King of, 267 

Sihrind, Manucci at, 97, 163 ; 
reference, 285 

Silva, Francisco da, chief surgeon 
at S. Thome, 221 

Sind, the river of, 84 

Sindl, Manucci and Bellomont at, 
28 ; Dara at, 85 



Sipihr Shukoh (son of Dara) goes 

to Dihli with Data, 71 
Sironj, Manucci and Bellomont at, 

33, 34 

Smith, Reuben, seizes Bellomont's 
property, 38 ; shares spoil with 
T. Roach, 40 ; pardoned by 
Manucci, 44 

Smyrna, Manucci hides on board 
a vessel bound for, 1653, v ; 
arrives with Lord Bellomont 
at, 2 ; English, French, Dutch 
Italians, and Armenians at, 2 ; 
9, ii, 12 

Souza, Joao de, Portuguese, helps 
Manucci to prescribe, 100 

Srlnagar, the Rajah of, helps Su- 
laiman Shukoh, 87 ; receives 
letter from Aurangzeb, 87 ; the 
mountains of, 85 ; reference, 98 

" Storia do Mogor," account of 
MSS. of the, viii, ix 

Sua, Joad da Costa de, of San 
Thome, 217 

Sulaiman Beg Mirza, brother-in- 
law of Shah 'Alam, 207, 208 

Sulaiman Khan. 240 

Sulaiman Shukoh, 53 ; 54, 55, 56; 
58 ; 70 ; 74 ; 76 ; 85 ; and the 
Rajah of Srinagar, 87 ; in Srlna- 
gar, 98 

Sundarbans, the, 118 

Surat, Manucci and Bellomont at, 
29, 30, 31 ; Henry Young at, 29, 
45, 46, 50 ; revenues of, given to 
Begam Sahib, 31 ; Manucci at, 
1 6 3 , 1 66 ; fleet from , with supplies 
for Shah 'Alam, 176 ; Father 
Ivo, Capuchin, of, 287 ; refer- 
ences, 27, 129, 158, 165, 191, 196, 
225,252,271 , 

Syrians, musical instruments em- 
ployed by, 107 

Tabriz, Manucci and Bellomont 
at, 7, 8 

Taide, Ignacio de, embezzles Ma- 
nucci's ship and cargo, 163 

Taimur-i-lang, 53 

Tanjor, persecutions at, refer- 
ences, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 
251 ; Manucci sends some of his 
servants to, 235 

Tavora, Francisco de, Count of 
Alvor, Viceroy of Goa, protects 
Manucci from jealous physi- 
cians, 221 ; engages in war 

against Sambha JI, 166 ; 
gives Prince Akbar permis- 
sion to build a ship at Goa, 
167 ; attacks Ponda, 168 ; 
retreats to Goa, 168 ; sends 
Manucci to negotiate with Sam- 
bha JI, 171 ; Manucci's report 
to, 173 ; receives Sambha Jfs 
envoy, 173 ; sends Manucci as 
envoy to the Mogul fleet, 174, 
175 ; sends Manucci to speak 
with envoy of Shah 'Alam, 1 77 ; 
receives envoy of Shah 'Alam, 
1 78 ; hears Manucci's report of 
his interview with Shah 'Alam, 
182 ; offers Manucci Knight- 
hood of Sant' lago, 184 ; his 
signature to the Patent of 
Knighthood, 185 

Tedesqui, Dom Joseph, Theatine, 

Tevenapatam, Manucci visits G. 
Roberts, Governor of, 266, 267 

Texeira, Manoel, 231 

Thika, Arain, a corpulent Ma- 
hoir edan, story of, 153, 154, 155 

Tiepolo, Lorenzo and the MS. of 
Manucci's " Storia," ix 

Tirth, the stream called, at Al- 
lahabad, 113; course of, 113, 

Tokat, Manucci and Bellomont 
at, 3 

Tranquebar, the Danes at, asked 
by Da.ud Khan to help him 
against the English, 254 

Turkey, 2 ; travel in, 4, 5 ; water 
supply in, 8 

Turks, manners and customs of, 
4, 5, 6 ; musical instruments 
employed by, 107 

Uchh, city of, 83 

Ujung Salang, land belonging to 
Siam, 267, 268 

Uzbak nobles from Balkh, man- 
ners and customs of, 100, 101, 102 

Vehu. See Uchh 

Vejlore, Ghulam 'AH Khan, 
Governor of, invites Manucci 
to visit him, 259, 260 ; croco- 
diles at, 260, 261 

Velur. See Vellore 

Venice, Manucci runs away from, 
1653, v, i ; 31 ; ancient chairs 
of, 108 



Vieira, Father Damiao, with the 
army of Jai Singh, 132, 133 ; 
Father DamiaC, his enmity 
towards Manucci, 228, 229 

Vingorla, Akbar sends a ship to, 
1 68 ; a watch set to prevent 
Akbar leaving, 169 ; Manucci 
sent to the Mogul fleet off, 1 74, 
175; Akbar at, 175^ town of, 
captured by Shah 'Alam, 182 ; 

Wazir Khan, secretary of Shah- 
jahan, Manucci applies for help 
to, 40, 41 ; takes Manucci to 
the palace of Shahjahan, 41 , 42 ; 
and Manucci, 44, 45, 46 

White Pagoda, or Pagoda of the 
Virgins, 187, 189 

Yale, Elihu. See Hayel, Alexandre 
Young, Henry, head of English 
factory at Isfahan, 21, 23 ; at 
Surat, 29, 45, 46, 50 ; supplies 
Bellomont with money and 
goods, 31 ; Manucci writes to, 

Z t afarabad, a garden near Agrah, 

Zanetti, enters volume of portraits 
in catalogue of Library of San 
Marco, ix 

Zenon, Father, Capuchin mis- 
sionary at Fort St. George, 197 

Zindah-rud, the river, 21 

Zulfah, 21 

Zu.lfiqar Khan, sends a present to 
Manucci, 266 ; references, 225, 

Printed by Haxell, Watson 6- Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury. 


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